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Jaume Solà i Pujols - Departament de Filologia Catalana ...

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(112) a. Partitive DPs do not have person features. 93<br />

b. Partitive DPs may/may not have (grammatical) number features.<br />

c. AGR and Spec of AGR need not agree in number features when person features<br />

are not present.<br />

d. A binds B if A c-/m-commands B and A and B share some phi features.<br />

The parameter in 0.b) is inten<strong>de</strong>d to account for the variation languages seem to exhibit<br />

with respect to agreement with an in<strong>de</strong>finite:<br />

(113) Agreement in number:<br />

a. There are children in the gar<strong>de</strong>n (Standard English)<br />

b. Es sind Kin<strong>de</strong>r in <strong>de</strong>n Garten (German)<br />

It are children in the gar<strong>de</strong>n<br />

c. Ci sono bambini nel giardino (Italian)<br />

there-are children in-the gar<strong>de</strong>n<br />

d. Arriben turistes (Standard Catalan)<br />

Arrive tourists<br />

93 This is also assumed in Rigau (1991). Rigau also assumes<br />

that Person Agreement and Number Agreement are different<br />

functional categories. I think this i<strong>de</strong>a could be adopted within<br />

the present theory, but it would require some careful<br />

elaboration, for it is crucial for the present account to work<br />

that AGR o is coin<strong>de</strong>xed with the I-subject, contrary to what<br />

Rigau assumes for partitive constructions: at least Person-<br />

Agreement is not coin<strong>de</strong>xed with the partitive in her view. Here<br />

I contend that there is always coin<strong>de</strong>xation, which may be <strong>de</strong>void<br />

of content if the binding features are absent.<br />

1

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