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Jaume Solà i Pujols - Departament de Filologia Catalana ...

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(15) a. Preverbal subjects:<br />

Ningú coneix tots els llibres<br />

Nobody knows all the books<br />

b. CLLD elements:<br />

a) 'There is no person knowing every book'<br />

b) *'Every book is such that no person knows it'<br />

A ningú el coneix tothom<br />

To nobody him-knows everybody<br />

a) 'There is no person being known by everybody'<br />

b) *'Everybody is such that he knows nobody'<br />

Similarly, existential and proportional quantifiers never have narrow scope in the<br />

following cases: 155<br />

(16) Preverbal subjects:<br />

a. Un/algun metge es cuida <strong>de</strong> tots els malalts<br />

A /some doctor takes-care of all the patients<br />

b. Molts/la majoria d'estudiants llegeixen tots els llibres<br />

Many /most stu<strong>de</strong>nts read all the books<br />

155 For some reason, existential quantifiers of the type<br />

'some NP or other' and numerals like 'at least one' can have<br />

narrow scope no matter how higher up from the other quantifier<br />

they are:<br />

(i) Some book or other, I think every stu<strong>de</strong>nt has read<br />

(ii) At least one car, I guess everybody can afford<br />

Since this narrow scope reading is not predictable from the<br />

general clause-boun<strong>de</strong>dness constraint for scope interactions, we<br />

leave it as irrelevant. Therefore, in (0.a) and (0.a) this type<br />

of reading, which is usually obtained with a special intonation<br />

pattern, should be disregar<strong>de</strong>d. Interestingly, (0.a) only allows<br />

this reading if the preposition optionally accompanying the CLLD<br />

object is absent.<br />

1

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