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Jaume Solà i Pujols - Departament de Filologia Catalana ...

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eflexive, but rather the one used as anti-subject oriented reflexive (which is in fact a logophoric<br />

pronoun in shape):<br />

(74) Jón er ekki lengur hann sjálfur/*sig sjálfur<br />

J. is not longer him SELF SE SELF<br />

Since this is obviously a case of subject orientation, the facts are not expected. H.<br />

Sigurdhsson (p.c.) pointed out to me that perhaps the problem is that sig cannot be used because<br />

it lacks a nominative form. For all the other germanic languages we have been implicitly<br />

assuming that sig selv/sich selbst/etc. are Nominative forms in the Anaphoric Copulative<br />

Constructions. Then, why is Icelandic reluctant to use sig as Nominative?<br />

I think there is a notable difference between Icelandic and Mainland Scandinavian,<br />

English or French: in the latter, there are some Nominative pronominals that can only be used in<br />

Spec of AGR position: 78<br />

(75) a. He is sick<br />

b. It is him/*he<br />

c. Him/*he, he's a liar<br />

In these languages, the so-called Nominative pronouns are special forms confined to<br />

Spec of AGR. The forms usually taken to be non-Nominative are, I assume, unmarked. So let's<br />

assume in these languages, by extension, even reflexive forms would be unmarked, and therefore<br />

can be used as Nominative forms unproblematically. We could say that in some languages<br />

having unmarked forms is the unmarked case.<br />

The situation is quite different in Icelandic: Case morphology is not confined to<br />

78 I assume that Normative pressure concerning (0.b) is<br />

forcing an ungrammatical construction.<br />

1

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