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Jaume Solà i Pujols - Departament de Filologia Catalana ...

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Catalan and Spanish prepositional temporal IOSs (see 0.b)) not in terms of Case theory but in<br />

terms of tense interpretation (a weak T o has to incorporate to the temporal preposition preceding<br />

these infinitives). In<strong>de</strong>pen<strong>de</strong>ntly of this, Nominative is assigned -and pro is licenced- by an<br />

abstract AGR. Abstracting away from pro, this i<strong>de</strong>a is much in the spirit of Reuland's (1983)<br />

proposal for English gerunds with an overt subject. Galves (1991) revises Raposo's (1987-b)<br />

proposal in an interesting way, but it is still a theory basically conceived for European<br />

Portuguese.<br />

Some authors assume it is AGR which assigns Nominative in IOS (Raposo (1987-b),<br />

Galves (1991), Rigau (1992)); others (Fernán<strong>de</strong>z-Lagunilla (1987), Hernanz (1992), Delfitto<br />

(1990), Belletti (1991)) assume AGR does not take part in Nominative assignment in some non-<br />

finite sentences. Except for the case of Portuguese inflected infinitives, in which AGR is<br />

obviously present, I will propose that AGR is not present in most types of IOS, and I will<br />

contend that this is not at variance with what happens in finite clauses.<br />

The proposals we will introduce here are highly speculative and far from precisely<br />

established. They will however lead to important qualifications to the theory sketched so far.<br />

Whether our speculations are on the right track or not, we cannot, I think, ignore the issue or treat<br />

it in a in<strong>de</strong>pen<strong>de</strong>nt way from what we have assumed so far.<br />

We will classify IOS's in two groups, assuming the distinction is of theoretical relevance:<br />

IOS's where, we will argue, the overt subject is an I-subject (the cases in Catalan, Spanish,<br />

Sardinian) and IOS's where the overt subject is in Spec of AGRP (AUX-to-COMP, Occitan).<br />

2.4.1. IOS with an Inverted Subject<br />

Let us assume that the IOS's where the subject follows the verb without necessary<br />

adjacency V-subject are cases of subject inversion, in our terms, cases involving an overt [-<br />

anaphoric] I-subject. In Catalan, where inverted subjects are VP-final (with the qualifications we<br />

introduced in Chapter 1), IOS's preferentially show VP-final subjects:<br />

1

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