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Jaume Solà i Pujols - Departament de Filologia Catalana ...

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(54) Peter had this work done by a lawyer, but...<br />

a. John did it himself (English)<br />

b. Hans hat es selbst gemacht (German) 37<br />

H. has it SELF done<br />

c. Hans har gjort <strong>de</strong>t selv (Danish) 38<br />

Hans has done it SELF<br />

d. John har gjort <strong>de</strong>t själv (Swedish) 39<br />

Hans has done it SELF<br />

e. Jón gerdhi thetta sjálfur (Icelandic)<br />

J. did that SELFNom<br />

f. Jean l'a fait lui(-même) (French)<br />

J. it-has done he (himself)<br />

The analysis for the above examples is far from trivial. We will see, however, that un<strong>de</strong>r<br />

a reasonable interpretation it supports the generalization in 0: specifically, I-subjects are<br />

[+anaphoric] in non-NSLs.<br />

The French example might at first glance look like a counterexample, since the emphatic<br />

element looks like a pronominal (lui), or like an element similar to the emphatic/logophoric<br />

37 Dutch has essentially the same behavior as German:<br />

(i) Ik heb het eten nie zelf gekookt<br />

I have the meal not self cooked<br />

'I haven't cooked the meal myself'<br />

38 Danish allows emphatic selv not only in final position,<br />

but also in pre-VP position, as the following example shows:<br />

(i) ...at Hans måske selv har gjort <strong>de</strong>t<br />

that H. maybe SELF has done it<br />

The same happens with other Germanic languages. As far as<br />

this position can be argued to be a low ('internal subject')<br />

position, this is not problematic. Otherwise, it can be that<br />

floating can take place at intermediate positions in DP-raising<br />

to Spec of AGR.<br />

1<br />

39 Norwegian behaves exactly like Swedish.

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