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Jaume Solà i Pujols - Departament de Filologia Catalana ...

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(100) ser... [ SC jo el presi<strong>de</strong>nt ]<br />

To-be I the presi<strong>de</strong>nt<br />

Both Moro's and Longobardi's proposals essentially say that, when the predicate is a<br />

DP, either the Argument or the predicate are allowed to raise to Spec of AGR. Plausible and<br />

simple though this i<strong>de</strong>a is, it does not immediately explain why:<br />

- agreement takes place with the postverbal DP.<br />

- these examples are only allowed in NSLs.<br />

I think our theory on AGR-i<strong>de</strong>ntifiers is well equipped to say something on the way of<br />

an explanation for these facts. We proposed that Spec of AGR is not the AGR-i<strong>de</strong>ntifier in NSLs.<br />

So Spec of AGR is not required to be filled. In fact, as we will argue in Chapter 5, it appears to<br />

be a position with much looser requirements for the DP filling it than in non-NSLs. In any event,<br />

the fact that the predicative DP raises to it does not interfere with AGR-i<strong>de</strong>ntification of<br />

Nominative assignment.<br />

In non-NSLs, raising of the predicate to Spec of AGR would not abi<strong>de</strong> by the<br />

requirements that there must be an AGR i<strong>de</strong>ntifier and that this AGR-i<strong>de</strong>ntifier has to transmit its<br />

Case to the I-subject, which implies it has to form an A-Chain with it. Therefore, non-NSLs<br />

cannot have DP-predicate raising: French lost it as soon as it became a non-NSL.<br />

In conclusion, even if we cannot provi<strong>de</strong> a precise explanation for why the predicative<br />

DP can raise to Spec of AGR, we can explain why it cannot in some non-NSLs.<br />

We cannot explain why, in this type of construction, the pre-verbal DP can be dropped<br />

and the postverbal DP (which would be the I-subject) cannot:<br />

1

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