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Jaume Solà i Pujols - Departament de Filologia Catalana ...

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- FQs, even if generated in A-position can/must move to some higher position (which<br />

accounts for their freer distribution).<br />

- emphatic strong pronouns, even if not in A-position, are subject to Binding Theory, and<br />

therefore abi<strong>de</strong> by the generalization about the [±anaphoric] status of I-subjects, even if they are<br />

not I-subjects themselves.<br />

The problem with emphatic (pseudo-)I-subjects is similar to the problem of pronominal<br />

clitic-doubling in Catalan or Spanish:<br />

(90) El veig a ell<br />

Him-I-see to him<br />

'I see HIM'<br />

Clitic doubling is also at the basis of Rigau's claim that strong pronouns are not in A-<br />

positions. Clitic doubling pronouns, like emphatic (pseudo-)I-subjects, can cooccur with a FQ: 87<br />

Context: I hand the new school books to the parents of the small children, but...<br />

(91) els grans, els dono a tots el llibre a ells (mateixos)<br />

the ol<strong>de</strong>r, them-hand-I to all the book to them (SELFs)<br />

'the ol<strong>de</strong>r ones, I hand the book to them all personally'.<br />

In both 0 and 0 the (emphatic) strong pronouns would be occupying a -θ-position, thus<br />

leaving the object/I-subject position free for the FQ (in<strong>de</strong>pen<strong>de</strong>ntly of whether the FQ then<br />

moves to some higher position).<br />

So we seem to draw back to the traditional assumption, which we crucially challenged<br />

before, that emphatic anaphors and pronominals are not in an A-position, without giving up the<br />

crucial i<strong>de</strong>a that these elements are subject to Binding Theory. In fact, both clitic doubling strong<br />

1<br />

87 Speakers not readily accepting 0 do not accept 0 either.

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