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Jaume Solà i Pujols - Departament de Filologia Catalana ...

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Now, suppose we make the following assumption: A CP is not a possible predicate of a<br />

fully referential DP. So, when the predicate in a Small Clause is a full CP, its subject has no<br />

option but being a quasi-Argument. However ad hoc this i<strong>de</strong>a may be, it seems unproblematic. 60<br />

I think there is a possible empirical argument for the existence of the quasi-Argument. It<br />

is the same kind of argument that Chomsky (1981) uses to motivate the existence of quasi-<br />

Arguments. The i<strong>de</strong>a is that they can control and thus licence a PRO which otherwise would be<br />

illicit:<br />

(29) a. It is cloudy without PRO actually raining<br />

b. *I took the umbrella without PRO actually raining<br />

The following example shows a similar pair where the controllee would be the quasi-<br />

Argument of semblar-2, and the controller the quasi-Argument of plou 'it rains': 61<br />

60 Basque seems to challenge this assumption as it allows<br />

sentences as:<br />

Jonek dirudi bere anaia berriro gaixo dagoela<br />

J. seems his brother again ill is-that<br />

'Jon looks as if his brother is ill again'<br />

Perhaps this is due to the adverbial nature of embed<strong>de</strong>d CPs<br />

in Basque (the -ela 'that' complementizer is plausibly an<br />

adverbial suffix). Taking the English translation as an example,<br />

the 'as if IP' complement allows a full DP as well as a quasi-<br />

Argument ('John/it looks as if his brother is ill again'). This,<br />

too, would be due to the adverbial nature of the 'as if'<br />

complement. So it would be non-adverbial CPs which exclusively<br />

allow quasi-Arguments as subjects of predication.<br />

61 As far as in the English translation of (0.a) 'to seem' is<br />

used, our claim that semblar-2 corresponds to 'to look/sound,<br />

etc.' is weakened. Perhaps English 'to seem' is ambiguous as<br />

well.<br />

In (0.a) the facts are a bit obscured by the simultaneous<br />

presence of a infinitival PRO in the semblar clause (which we<br />

claim is a controlled quasi-Argument) and another quasi-Argument<br />

of 'to rain' in the finite clause embed<strong>de</strong>d un<strong>de</strong>r semblar. The<br />

following example avoids this situation, and is certainly a bit<br />

marginal:<br />

(i) ?Plou sense semblar que hi hagi núvols.<br />

This could be due to a certain lack of i<strong>de</strong>ntity between the<br />

two quasi-Arguments. Consi<strong>de</strong>r:<br />

1

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