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Jaume Solà i Pujols - Departament de Filologia Catalana ...

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c. No diu mai la veritat (Catalan)<br />

Not tells never the truth<br />

d. No ( * mai) dir mai la veritat...<br />

Not to-tell never the truth<br />

e. No està nunca cansado (Spanish)<br />

Not is never tired<br />

f. No ( * nunca) estar nunca cansado...<br />

Not to-be never tired<br />

Thus, there seems to be a correlation between the Null-Subject status of the language and<br />

the possibility for the infinitival verb to raise to a high (the highest) functional category: AGR in<br />

Belletti (1991)'s theory and our own. Another fact, which is likely to be parasitic on the former,<br />

is the possibility of clitic climbing. Kayne (1989) argues that clitic climbing (and also long V-<br />

movement in infinitives) is due to the strong character of INFL in NSLs languages.<br />

The problem is how to express the correlation between the strong character of AGR in<br />

finite clauses and the purported strong character of AGR in non-finite clauses. In infinitival<br />

clauses, AGR is not apparently strong in Italian or Spanish, as far as morphology can tell us. To<br />

simply stipulate that infinitival AGR is strong because finite AGR in the same language is strong<br />

appears to be a mere stipulation.<br />

What I want to propose is the i<strong>de</strong>a that what extends from finite to infinitival clauses is a<br />

parameter value. But before proceeding, let us consi<strong>de</strong>r the facts consi<strong>de</strong>red in Kayne (1991)<br />

concerning V-movement and clitic placement in infinitives, and the proposal Kayne presents to<br />

account for the facts.<br />

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