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(22) a. 1. *Niente (Gianni) lo ha fatto 1 Nothing (G.) it-has done 2. ??Niente (??a Gianni) gli è successo Nothing (to G.) him-has happened b. 1. *Nessuno (oggi) l'hanno letto None (today) it-have-they read 2. Nessuno (??oggi) è arrivato None (today) has arrived c. 1. *Pochi amici (questo anno) li ha invitati Few friends (this year) them-has invited 2. Pocchi amici (??questo anno) mi hanno invitato Few friends (this year) me-have invited d. 1. *Nessun pacco (Gianni) l'ha spedito No package (G.) it-has sent 2. Nessun pacco (??oggi) è arrivato No package (today) has arrived e. 1. *Ognuno (questa volta) l'hanno accettato Everyone (this time) him-they-have accepted 2. ?*Ognuno (questa volta) ha passato l'esame Everyone (this time) has passed the-exam f. 1. *Nessuno (questa volta) l'hanno accettato Nobody (this time) him-they-have accepted 2. Nessuno (??questa volta) ha passato l'esame Nobody (this time) has passed the-exam g. 1. Tutti (??questa volta) li hanno accettati All (this time) them-they-have accepted 2. Tutti (questa volta) hanno passato l'esame
All (this time) have passed the-exam h. 1. ?Chiunque (???in Brasile) lo possono derubbare Anybody (in Brasil) him-they-can rob 2. Chiunque (?in Brasile) ti può derubbare Anybody (in Brasil) you-he-can rob 0 i. 1. ??Tutti (???domani) li vedrò alla riunione All (tomorrow) them-I'll-see at-the meeting 2. Tutti (domani) andranno alla riunione All (tomorrow) will-go to-the meeting j. 1. *Qualcuno (pocco fa) l'hanno chiuso nel bagno Somebody (just now) him-have locked in-the bathroom 2. Qualcuno (pocco fa) si è chiuso nel bagno Somebody (just now) himself-has locked in-the tathrm. k. 1. ?*Tutti gli studenti (oggi) li vedrò in classe All the students (today) them-I'll-see in class 2. Tutti gli studenti (oggi) verranno a vedermi All the students (today) will-come to see-me * * * Apart from their quantified status, there are other facts that point to the 'different nature' of preverbal subjects in NSLs w.r.t. preverbal subjects in non-NSLs. These concern overt pronouns. Montalbetti (1984) noticed that subject strong pronouns 161 in NSLs are not able to be bound variables. In 0, for instance, ells can only be interpreted as bound by tots els estudiants 'all the students' in the group reading: 161 For non-subject strong pronouns, Montalbetti's Generalization only would hold when there is no 'weaker' option (such as a definite clitic). See Rigau (1988). 1
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Jaume Solà i Pujols Agreement and
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List of errata 1. Most significativ
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Table of contents Acknowledgements.
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4. CP I-subjects and Small Clauses.
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I wish to express my gratitude to t
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Chapter 1 Introduction The present
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1. Aims and Scope of this Thesis Th
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why infinitives in NSLs allow long
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2.2. Subject Inversion Subject inve
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Focus, which suggests this is a Foc
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Thus the examples in 0 seem to indi
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c. Comprarà el menjar en Joan aque
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(10) a. Ha anat a casa en Joan Has
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(13) Passives: a. Han estat posats
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an AP, PP or NP predicate. As befor
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to such a conflict, subject inversi
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degraded constructions when the req
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2.2.5. Floating Quantifiers Koopman
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I will adopt the view that FQs unde
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2.4. The Split INFL Hypothesis and
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(38) Infinitives: a. No cal (?*semp
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Chapter 2 Burzio's Generalization a
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In the a. examples we have verbs as
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2. Possible Solutions Based on CHAI
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2.2. CHAINS A solution for the abov
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Both examples in 0 involve CHAINS c
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- null expletive-inverted subject C
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Partitive forces the DP receiving i
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2.4.1. Empirical Problems The theor
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2.4.2. Theoretical Problems Another
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(31) SS: Therei came a mani LF: A m
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expletive/Argument links as having
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(39) BT-status of I-subjects (accor
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(44) a. *Ho ha fet en Joan ell (mat
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G. it-has done he (SELF) / SE SELF
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Spanish (49) Ella misma estaba all
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(53) a. sich selbst (SE SELF) (emph
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element in the Romance NSLs (lui-m
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This suggests that in these languag
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analyzable as floating elements? Th
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(65) a. Juan mismo lo harà /**Juan
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sam/tuiton ]. When they are preverb
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(72) a. Gianni ha fatto (lui) il la
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(75) I-subjects in NSLs: a. empty p
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which we deal with in the next sect
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not assigned until S-structure. The
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A piece of support for the above hy
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Suppose that in both cases no DP is
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(12) At D-structure, the obligatory
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(14) a. It strikes me that... b. It
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(17) a. Sembla que està cansat See
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(21) A- Estàs cansat? Are you tire
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(or CP) as an alternative to the (p
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(30) a. Plou sense PRO semblar que
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(32) a. *Em sembla que plogui Me se
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(36) Diu que es casen Says that the
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contrast with Catalan (and Spanish)
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violates some locality condition on
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every member of the extended Chain
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(45) a. ?*Which book does it seem t
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containing a Case conflict. In othe
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(51) Spec of AGR is rich iff it is
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0 makes the prediction that T to AG
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In Chapter 4 we will use Chain-exte
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(59) a. Spec of AGR need not be obl
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2.3.2. Anaphoric Copulative Constru
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(63) Yusuf mà huwa nafsuhu J. not
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taking English and Catalan as repre
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(69) Greek: a. O KóstasNom íne [
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(72) [ DP o [ NP eaftós [ tu ] ] ]
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pronominals and it is quite rich. T
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additional requirement of a Case-po
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postverbal subject in 0.c), which c
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(81) a. Com que estava cansat, en J
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(84) a. El cotxe d'en Joani, ell (m
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0.c) is ungrammatical because there
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- FQs, even if generated in A-posit
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(93) At D-structure, AGR must be co
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(97) a. AGR must have an AGR-identi
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(100) ser... [ SC jo el president ]
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Since Binding Theory plays a crucia
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(107) a. There have developed typho
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general view. 92 I will not develop
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(114) No agreement: a. Il y a des e
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(116) If a non-NSL does not show ov
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I think the above evidence is rathe
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(125) a. CPs cannot be (directly) C
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linked to an it-expletive, which do
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(136) a. Où (dis-tu qu') est allé
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particles. 102 The correlation seem
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(139) 6-person paradigm with a pron
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(which is met by Brazilian Portugue
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We have tacitly assumed that in the
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predicted by Rizzi's (1991-b) theor
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Another issue to consider is Chomsk
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Chapter 4 Infinitival Constructions
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section 1.3. 1.1. Parallelism betwe
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(5) a. He tried [ to be himself/*hi
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c. No diu mai la veritat (Catalan)
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allowing 'if'-infinitives: (11) a.
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(15) [ I' V o [ I' [ I o cl I o ] ]
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genitive position. Suppose this NP
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infinitives. 113 This generalizatio
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(21) *John doesn't remember if [ IP
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positions inside the (strict) NP. I
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(25) Votar en Joan, em sembla que n
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We assumed that AGR o is the unmark
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controlled. To obtain this result w
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(32) [ X o AGR o i ] [ AGRP [ PRO P
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(34) Sempre/mai /ja /encara (*en Jo
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'nominal' and 'adverbial' FC head.
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was less fixed (subject to the Tobl
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To the extent these data cast doubt
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enclisis (English, French, Occitan,
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An important question arises here.
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ecome the AGR-identifier, a favored
Page 235 and 236: This fact should be due to some res
Page 237 and 238: (54) a. El libro, parece [ IP haber
Page 239 and 240: As for Occitan, it does apparently
Page 241 and 242: Chain, so there is no trace in the
Page 243 and 244: (63) a. Dicitur eos venisse Said-is
Page 245 and 246: therefore, not a Case-position. The
Page 247 and 248: (72) Non keljo a vénnere tue Not I
Page 249 and 250: (74) Fer (???en Joan) la feina (en
Page 251 and 252: ecause control would be a universal
Page 253 and 254: should be able to derive the existe
Page 255 and 256: In order to account for these facts
Page 257 and 258: 2.4.2. IOS with a Subject in Specif
Page 259 and 260: under a FC: perhaps under T o itsel
Page 261 and 262: Summing up, Nominative assignment w
Page 263 and 264: Chapter 5 Preverbal Subjects in NSL
Page 265 and 266: NSLs are not dislocated must admit
Page 267 and 268: In fact, the non-dislocated version
Page 269 and 270: many of the proposals coincide in c
Page 271 and 272: ) CLLD elements: (10) a. *Studenti
Page 273 and 274: (13) He enviat tres exemplars a qua
Page 275 and 276: (17) CLLD elements: a. (A) un/algun
Page 277 and 278: (18) a. 1. *Res (*en Joan) ho ha fe
Page 279 and 280: To many of-these today not them-hav
Page 281 and 282: (19) a. 1. A ningú (*crec que) l'h
Page 283 and 284: 0 c. 1. ?A pocs assistents els havi
Page 285: 2. Nessuno (questa volta) ha passat
Page 289 and 290: Another well-known fact points to t
Page 291 and 292: the highest FC below CP is (in fini
Page 293 and 294: (27) In a FC, the AGR component imp
Page 295 and 296: I will contend that in Romance NSLs
Page 297 and 298: languages. If so, in 0 en Joan woul
Page 299 and 300: to V+INFL movement to C o . Since,
Page 301 and 302: the issue here. 176 The main proble
Page 303 and 304: The suggestion in d) that non-NSLs
Page 305 and 306: AGR-less), this position should be
Page 307 and 308: References Adams, M. (1987) Old Fre
Page 309 and 310: OTS, Utrecht, pp. 1-7. Everaert, M.
Page 311 and 312: Larson, R.K. (1991) "Promise and th
Page 313 and 314: Cambridge, MA. Rizzi, L. (1989-b) O
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Jaume Solà i Pujols - Departament de Filologia Catalana ...

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