- Page 1 and 2: Jaume Solà i Pujols Agreement and
- Page 3 and 4: List of errata 1. Most significativ
- Page 5 and 6: Table of contents Acknowledgements.
- Page 7 and 8: 4. CP I-subjects and Small Clauses.
- Page 9 and 10: I wish to express my gratitude to t
- Page 11: Chapter 1 Introduction The present
- Page 15 and 16: why infinitives in NSLs allow long
- Page 17 and 18: 2.2. Subject Inversion Subject inve
- Page 19 and 20: Focus, which suggests this is a Foc
- Page 21 and 22: Thus the examples in 0 seem to indi
- Page 23 and 24: c. Comprarà el menjar en Joan aque
- Page 25 and 26: (10) a. Ha anat a casa en Joan Has
- Page 27 and 28: (13) Passives: a. Han estat posats
- Page 29 and 30: an AP, PP or NP predicate. As befor
- Page 31 and 32: to such a conflict, subject inversi
- Page 33 and 34: degraded constructions when the req
- Page 35 and 36: 2.2.5. Floating Quantifiers Koopman
- Page 37 and 38: I will adopt the view that FQs unde
- Page 39 and 40: 2.4. The Split INFL Hypothesis and
- Page 41 and 42: (38) Infinitives: a. No cal (?*semp
- Page 43 and 44: Chapter 2 Burzio's Generalization a
- Page 45 and 46: In the a. examples we have verbs as
- Page 47 and 48: 2. Possible Solutions Based on CHAI
- Page 49 and 50: 2.2. CHAINS A solution for the abov
- Page 51 and 52: Both examples in 0 involve CHAINS c
- Page 53 and 54: - null expletive-inverted subject C
- Page 55 and 56: Partitive forces the DP receiving i
- Page 57 and 58: 2.4.1. Empirical Problems The theor
- Page 59 and 60: 2.4.2. Theoretical Problems Another
- Page 61 and 62: (31) SS: Therei came a mani LF: A m
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expletive/Argument links as having
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(39) BT-status of I-subjects (accor
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(44) a. *Ho ha fet en Joan ell (mat
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G. it-has done he (SELF) / SE SELF
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Spanish (49) Ella misma estaba all
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(53) a. sich selbst (SE SELF) (emph
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element in the Romance NSLs (lui-m
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This suggests that in these languag
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analyzable as floating elements? Th
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(65) a. Juan mismo lo harà /**Juan
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sam/tuiton ]. When they are preverb
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(72) a. Gianni ha fatto (lui) il la
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(75) I-subjects in NSLs: a. empty p
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which we deal with in the next sect
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not assigned until S-structure. The
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A piece of support for the above hy
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Suppose that in both cases no DP is
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(12) At D-structure, the obligatory
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(14) a. It strikes me that... b. It
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(17) a. Sembla que està cansat See
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(21) A- Estàs cansat? Are you tire
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(or CP) as an alternative to the (p
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(30) a. Plou sense PRO semblar que
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(32) a. *Em sembla que plogui Me se
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(36) Diu que es casen Says that the
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contrast with Catalan (and Spanish)
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violates some locality condition on
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every member of the extended Chain
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(45) a. ?*Which book does it seem t
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containing a Case conflict. In othe
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(51) Spec of AGR is rich iff it is
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0 makes the prediction that T to AG
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In Chapter 4 we will use Chain-exte
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(59) a. Spec of AGR need not be obl
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2.3.2. Anaphoric Copulative Constru
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(63) Yusuf mà huwa nafsuhu J. not
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taking English and Catalan as repre
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(69) Greek: a. O KóstasNom íne [
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(72) [ DP o [ NP eaftós [ tu ] ] ]
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pronominals and it is quite rich. T
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additional requirement of a Case-po
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postverbal subject in 0.c), which c
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(81) a. Com que estava cansat, en J
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(84) a. El cotxe d'en Joani, ell (m
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0.c) is ungrammatical because there
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- FQs, even if generated in A-posit
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(93) At D-structure, AGR must be co
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(97) a. AGR must have an AGR-identi
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(100) ser... [ SC jo el president ]
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Since Binding Theory plays a crucia
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(107) a. There have developed typho
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general view. 92 I will not develop
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(114) No agreement: a. Il y a des e
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(116) If a non-NSL does not show ov
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I think the above evidence is rathe
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(125) a. CPs cannot be (directly) C
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linked to an it-expletive, which do
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(136) a. Où (dis-tu qu') est allé
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particles. 102 The correlation seem
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(139) 6-person paradigm with a pron
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(which is met by Brazilian Portugue
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We have tacitly assumed that in the
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predicted by Rizzi's (1991-b) theor
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Another issue to consider is Chomsk
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Chapter 4 Infinitival Constructions
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section 1.3. 1.1. Parallelism betwe
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(5) a. He tried [ to be himself/*hi
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c. No diu mai la veritat (Catalan)
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allowing 'if'-infinitives: (11) a.
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(15) [ I' V o [ I' [ I o cl I o ] ]
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genitive position. Suppose this NP
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infinitives. 113 This generalizatio
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(21) *John doesn't remember if [ IP
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positions inside the (strict) NP. I
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(25) Votar en Joan, em sembla que n
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We assumed that AGR o is the unmark
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controlled. To obtain this result w
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(32) [ X o AGR o i ] [ AGRP [ PRO P
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(34) Sempre/mai /ja /encara (*en Jo
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'nominal' and 'adverbial' FC head.
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was less fixed (subject to the Tobl
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To the extent these data cast doubt
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enclisis (English, French, Occitan,
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An important question arises here.
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ecome the AGR-identifier, a favored
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This fact should be due to some res
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(54) a. El libro, parece [ IP haber
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As for Occitan, it does apparently
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Chain, so there is no trace in the
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(63) a. Dicitur eos venisse Said-is
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therefore, not a Case-position. The
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(72) Non keljo a vénnere tue Not I
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(74) Fer (???en Joan) la feina (en
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ecause control would be a universal
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should be able to derive the existe
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In order to account for these facts
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2.4.2. IOS with a Subject in Specif
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under a FC: perhaps under T o itsel
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Summing up, Nominative assignment w
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Chapter 5 Preverbal Subjects in NSL
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NSLs are not dislocated must admit
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In fact, the non-dislocated version
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many of the proposals coincide in c
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) CLLD elements: (10) a. *Studenti
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(13) He enviat tres exemplars a qua
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(17) CLLD elements: a. (A) un/algun
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(18) a. 1. *Res (*en Joan) ho ha fe
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To many of-these today not them-hav
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(19) a. 1. A ningú (*crec que) l'h
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0 c. 1. ?A pocs assistents els havi
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2. Nessuno (questa volta) ha passat
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All (this time) have passed the-exa
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Another well-known fact points to t
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the highest FC below CP is (in fini
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(27) In a FC, the AGR component imp
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I will contend that in Romance NSLs
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languages. If so, in 0 en Joan woul
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to V+INFL movement to C o . Since,
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the issue here. 176 The main proble
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The suggestion in d) that non-NSLs
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AGR-less), this position should be
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References Adams, M. (1987) Old Fre
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OTS, Utrecht, pp. 1-7. Everaert, M.
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Larson, R.K. (1991) "Promise and th
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Cambridge, MA. Rizzi, L. (1989-b) O