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ecome the AGR-identifier, a favored option in NSLs.
- long V-movement to AGR o (and possibly NOM o ) is only allowed as far as AGR o ends
up being contentful; it is in addition required if the AGR-identifier is AGR o and has to Chain-
govern the I-subject to assign it Case.
2.2. Raising
In Chapter 3, we crucially assumed that raising constructions are characterized as
involving a non-CP infinitive: 127 this is why AGR in the upper clause is coindexed with an I-
subject internal to the infinitive, this I-subject being the first DP/CP it c-commands. Suppose,
nevertheless, that the infinitival AGR has to abide by one of the options concerning the AGR-
identifier: either it is AGR o or Spec of AGR. We provisionally assume the following parallelism
principle: 128
(49) In the unmarked case, raising infinitives have the same AGR-identifier option as finite
sentences in a given language.
Consider the D-structures in 0, taking English and Italian as representative languages:
(50) a. AGR o seem [ AGRP AGR o to have come DP ]
b. AGR o sembra [ AGRP AGR o esser venuto DP ]
127 Recall we suggested that only verbs with an epistemic
meaning are likely candidates to be raising verbs, at this could
be the basis for accounting for their exceptional non-CP
character or their complements: they would form a (semantically)
mono-clausal structure with their complement.
128 This principle has an obvious parallelism with 0 (which
concerns control, see page 212). We will reduce them to a single
principle. For the moment we distinguish them for convenience.
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