Jaume Solà i Pujols - Departament de Filologia Catalana ...

0.c) is ungrammatical because there is no pro I-subject for the FQ to adjoin to. In fact, if
the quantifier adjoins to the I-subject, the result is:
(88) Sono andati via tutti i soldati
Are gone away all the soldiers
which, of course, is not a case of Quantifier Floating.
This analysis, however, faces important problems for the present theory. For a start, FQs
do have a freer distribution than I-subjects: they can precede the complements of the verb
(whereas I-subjects in general follow the complements in Italian or Catalan). In English overt I-
subjects (himself) and FQs (all) even have complementary distribution (the former are VP-final
and the latter are VP-initial).
Another problem is related to emphatic I-subjects: while inverted subjects do not allow
FQs, emphatic I-subjects do allow FQs: 86
(89) Els nois s'han fet tots el llit ells (mateixos)
The boys SI-have made all the bed they (SELVES)
'The boys have all made their bed themselves'
If we want to maintain that emphatic elements like ells (mateixos) are I-subjects, then the
above claim that FQ's in NSLs are adjoined to a pro I-subject cannot be true, if pro has to occupy
the I-subject position too. In fact FQs seem to have a freer distribution than I-subjects (they can
precede the verbal complements). On the other hand, as we pointed out in Chapter 1, FQs are
likely to occupy derived positions, rather than the I-subject position.
86 In fact, some speakers do not easily accept these
constructions. See above for parallel facts with clitic
doubling.
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