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Jaume Solà i Pujols - Departament de Filologia Catalana ...

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(30) a. Plou sense PRO semblar que plogui<br />

Rains without to-seem that rains-SUBJ<br />

'It is raining without seeming to'<br />

b. *Agafo el paraigua sense semblar que plogui<br />

I-take the umbrella without to-seem that rains-SUBJ<br />

'*I take the umbrella without seeming to rain'<br />

One qualification should be ma<strong>de</strong> to above hypothesis: the way we presented the contrast<br />

in 0, we seem to suggest that indicative/subjunctive mood is a contrastive property of the two<br />

verbs semblar. Now, while it is clear that subjunctive is an exclusive property of semblar-2 (i.e.,<br />

it has the 'mere appearance' interpretation only), indicative is not clearly an exclusive property of<br />

semblar-1: 0.a) can be used in the 'mere appearance' interpretation. So the contrast is half-way:<br />

- semblar-1: indicative<br />

- semblar-2: subjunctive (or indicative) 62<br />

In this connection, it is not a problem that the clitic ho can pronominalize both an<br />

indicative and a subjunctive CP, which appear as dislocated: both 0.a) and (.b) would be cases of<br />

semblar-2:<br />

(ii) It's raining without it/*PRO being late in the<br />

afternoon (in a country where it usually rains late<br />

in the afternoon)<br />

In (ii) a weather quasi-Argument cannot control a time<br />

quasi-Argument, because they do not refer to the same entity<br />

(however cloudy to conceptualize these entities are). Here the<br />

lack of i<strong>de</strong>ntity is too strong, while in (0.a) and (i) it would<br />

be mil<strong>de</strong>r.<br />

62 Hernanz (1982) does not consi<strong>de</strong>r the indicative/<br />

subjunctive distinction (which holds in Spanish the same as in<br />

Catalan) and simply asserts that the constructions with<br />

indicative (as in (0.a)) are ambiguous, which we agree upon.<br />

1

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