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(51) Spec of AGR is rich iff it is filled by elements bearing phi-features (=DPs). 71
This implies that, in English, some DP must appear in Spec of AGR. This is indeed the
apparent situation in non-NSLs: in finite sentences they always show a DP (or CP) in Spec of
AGR. In NSLs this is not the apparent situation and, we will argue, not the actual situation in
some cases.
In some sense, then, English AGR is equally rich as Italian AGR, the difference being
that phi-features are placed in the specifier and not in the head. This fact, however, will trigger an
important array of differences concerning the distribution of subjects. Specifically, from the
above assumptions, we want to derive the generalization proposed in the preceding chapter,
repeated here as 0:
(52) I-subjects are [-anaphoric] in NSLs and [+anaphoric] in non-NSLs.
2.2. Case Theory
In this section we present a Case-theoretical account for how a DP having become I-
subject receives Case. We postpone to section 3. the account for indefinite I-subjects in
existential/presentational constructions. We also postpone to section 4. a specific treatment of CP
I-subjects.
Suppose the result we want to achieve is that in NSLs AGR o , as a rich AGR-identifier,
can assign Nominative directly to its I-subject. In non-NSLs, on the other hand, Nominative can
only be assigned to the Spec of AGR. To derive this result, let us assume the following
principles:
71 If we were to assume Fukui & Speas' (1986) hypothesis, in
which Specifiers are projected only when they are filled, we
could dispense with this statement: if the AGR-identifier has to
be present, then it has to be filled. In any case, 0 is an
almost self-evident statement.
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