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Jaume Solà i Pujols - Departament de Filologia Catalana ...

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infinitives is due to a violation of the 3rd principle of BT, but the offending bin<strong>de</strong>r will not be the<br />

controller itself, but PRO. Let us assume that PRO is always present in control structures (and in<br />

cases of PROArb as well). We will later elaborate on the nature of PRO. Let's take it for granted<br />

that it is necessarily present in both NSL and non-NSL control structures.<br />

How can this be accommodated within the above assumption that (in the unmarked case)<br />

NSLs have a controlled AGR o , while non-null subject languages have a controlled Spec of<br />

AGR? At first glance, this looks at variance with the assumption that both types of languages<br />

involve a controlled PRO, which is in Spec of AGR. In or<strong>de</strong>r to solve this apparent contradiction,<br />

let us make the following assumptions:<br />

- PRO is a necessary element of control (and PROArb) structures: only PRO can be<br />

controlled (perhaps PROArb is controlled by an empty Argument or operator).<br />

- PRO cannot be governed for the familiar reasons (we adhere to the PRO theorem).<br />

- principle 0 requires (or, being a markedness principle, favors) AGR o as the controllee in<br />

NSLs. If this option is to be fulfilled, the only means it can be is that PRO adjoins to AGR o . Let<br />

us assume that PRO is a maximal projection, but that only its head (call it PRO o ) has real content,<br />

so that adjunction of this head to AGR o actually implies placing the controller insi<strong>de</strong> AGR o .<br />

Un<strong>de</strong>r this view, NSLs would have, in the unmarked Case PRO o adjoined to AGR o , thus<br />

fulfilling 0. Now consi<strong>de</strong>r the following infinitival structure:<br />

(31) [ AGRP [ PRO PRO o ] [ AGR' AGR o ] ]<br />

Suppose PRO is to adjoin to AGR o . We have assumed that a head does not govern its<br />

specifier. Therefore, movement of PRO o into AGR o would violate the ECP. Therefore, with such<br />

a structure, PRO o could never adjoin to AGR o in or<strong>de</strong>r to make AGR o to controllee element.<br />

Suppose, however, that above AGRP, but below CP, there is an intermediate functional<br />

category (XP) (which we will try to characterize later) to which AGR o can move, giving:<br />

1

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