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Jaume Solà i Pujols - Departament de Filologia Catalana ...

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G. it-has done he (SELF) / SE SELF<br />

e. O Jo~,ao fé-lo ele (mesmo)/*si mesmo (Portugu.)<br />

The J. did-it he (SELF) SE SELF<br />

f. Ion a scris el insusi acest proiect (Romanian)<br />

I. has written he SELF this project<br />

g. o jánis to káni o ídjos / * o eaftós tu (Greek)<br />

the J. it-did the HE-SELF/ the self of-his )<br />

h. Jon, or<strong>de</strong>a, berak /*bere buruak egin du (Basque) 31<br />

J. instead HE-SELF/ his self done has<br />

In all the above examples, the reflexive forms are unacceptable as emphatic I-subjects. 32<br />

The acceptable emphatic I-subjects in 0 are possible in contexts where they are not bound<br />

intensionally equivalent to the emphatic I-subject (although it<br />

is extensionally equivalent in most pragmatic situations): da<br />

solo implies 'with no help', while the emphatic subject does not<br />

necessarily exclu<strong>de</strong> 'help'. It rather stresses that the action<br />

has not been <strong>de</strong>legated to someone else.<br />

These speakers also report that adding stesso to the<br />

emphatic subject lui is not very natural (at least in their<br />

dialect). See below for discussion on the position of lui and<br />

lui stesso as emphatic elements.<br />

31 Jon berak is actually a possible constituent, but not<br />

necessarily: I put the or<strong>de</strong>a 'instead' element in between to<br />

clarify the example. Berak, on the other hand, is not an<br />

anaphoric element in mo<strong>de</strong>rn Basque, but rather a logophoric /<br />

emphatic expression, as is usual with emphatic I-subjects.<br />

32<br />

Hebrew allows neither emphatic anaphors nor emphatic<br />

pronominals as I-subjects. In fact, this language does not allow<br />

pronominals as inverted subjects (thanks to Tali Siloni for the<br />

data and comments). Perhaps the intermediate status of this<br />

language as a NSL (however it should be properly characterized)<br />

is the reason for this situation.<br />

Hungarian does not provi<strong>de</strong> clear examples relevant for the<br />

theory either, perhaps because emphatic I-subjects, as Focus<br />

elements, should occupy the obligatory Focus position in this<br />

language, which is preverbal and, likely, not an I-subject (it<br />

would be the specifier of some (Focus) FC.<br />

I think that a more <strong>de</strong>tailed study would be necessary to<br />

extend the present theory to these languages.<br />

1

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