Jaume Solà i Pujols - Departament de Filologia Catalana ...

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Taraldsen, K.T. (1980) On the Nominative Island Condition, Vacuous Application, and the that- trace filter, distributed by the Indiana Un. Linguistics Club. Torrego, E. (1989) Experiencers and Raising Verbs in Spanish, ms., Un. of Massachusetts Boston. Vikner, S. (1985) Parameters or Binder and Binding Category in Danish, Working Papers in Scandinavian Syntax 23. Zagona, K. (1982) Government and Proper Government of Verbal Projections, Doct. Diss., Un.of Washington. Zanuttini, R. (1991) Syntactic Properties of Sentential Negation. A comparative Study of Romance Languages, PhD Thesis, Un. of Pennsylvania. Zribi-Hertz, A. (1990-a) "NP lui-même", Recherches Linguistiques, XIV, Uni. de Metz/Ed. Kluicksieck, París. pp. 377-402. Zribi-Hertz, A. (1990-b) "Lui même argument et le concept de 'pronom A'", Langages, 97, 1 Larouse, pp. 100-127.
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Jaume Solà i Pujols Agreement and
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List of errata 1. Most significativ
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Table of contents Acknowledgements.
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4. CP I-subjects and Small Clauses.
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I wish to express my gratitude to t
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Chapter 1 Introduction The present
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1. Aims and Scope of this Thesis Th
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why infinitives in NSLs allow long
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2.2. Subject Inversion Subject inve
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Focus, which suggests this is a Foc
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Thus the examples in 0 seem to indi
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c. Comprarà el menjar en Joan aque
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(10) a. Ha anat a casa en Joan Has
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(13) Passives: a. Han estat posats
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an AP, PP or NP predicate. As befor
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to such a conflict, subject inversi
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degraded constructions when the req
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2.2.5. Floating Quantifiers Koopman
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I will adopt the view that FQs unde
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2.4. The Split INFL Hypothesis and
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(38) Infinitives: a. No cal (?*semp
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Chapter 2 Burzio's Generalization a
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In the a. examples we have verbs as
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2. Possible Solutions Based on CHAI
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2.2. CHAINS A solution for the abov
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Both examples in 0 involve CHAINS c
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- null expletive-inverted subject C
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Partitive forces the DP receiving i
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2.4.1. Empirical Problems The theor
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2.4.2. Theoretical Problems Another
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(31) SS: Therei came a mani LF: A m
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expletive/Argument links as having
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(39) BT-status of I-subjects (accor
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(44) a. *Ho ha fet en Joan ell (mat
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G. it-has done he (SELF) / SE SELF
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Spanish (49) Ella misma estaba all
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(53) a. sich selbst (SE SELF) (emph
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element in the Romance NSLs (lui-m
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This suggests that in these languag
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analyzable as floating elements? Th
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(65) a. Juan mismo lo harà /**Juan
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sam/tuiton ]. When they are preverb
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(72) a. Gianni ha fatto (lui) il la
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(75) I-subjects in NSLs: a. empty p
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which we deal with in the next sect
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not assigned until S-structure. The
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A piece of support for the above hy
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Suppose that in both cases no DP is
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(12) At D-structure, the obligatory
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(14) a. It strikes me that... b. It
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(17) a. Sembla que està cansat See
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(21) A- Estàs cansat? Are you tire
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(or CP) as an alternative to the (p
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(30) a. Plou sense PRO semblar que
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(32) a. *Em sembla que plogui Me se
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(36) Diu que es casen Says that the
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contrast with Catalan (and Spanish)
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violates some locality condition on
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every member of the extended Chain
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(45) a. ?*Which book does it seem t
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containing a Case conflict. In othe
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(51) Spec of AGR is rich iff it is
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0 makes the prediction that T to AG
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In Chapter 4 we will use Chain-exte
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(59) a. Spec of AGR need not be obl
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2.3.2. Anaphoric Copulative Constru
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(63) Yusuf mà huwa nafsuhu J. not
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taking English and Catalan as repre
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(69) Greek: a. O KóstasNom íne [
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(72) [ DP o [ NP eaftós [ tu ] ] ]
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pronominals and it is quite rich. T
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additional requirement of a Case-po
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postverbal subject in 0.c), which c
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(81) a. Com que estava cansat, en J
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(84) a. El cotxe d'en Joani, ell (m
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0.c) is ungrammatical because there
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- FQs, even if generated in A-posit
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(93) At D-structure, AGR must be co
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(97) a. AGR must have an AGR-identi
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(100) ser... [ SC jo el president ]
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Since Binding Theory plays a crucia
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(107) a. There have developed typho
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general view. 92 I will not develop
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(114) No agreement: a. Il y a des e
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(116) If a non-NSL does not show ov
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I think the above evidence is rathe
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(125) a. CPs cannot be (directly) C
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linked to an it-expletive, which do
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(136) a. Où (dis-tu qu') est allé
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particles. 102 The correlation seem
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(139) 6-person paradigm with a pron
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(which is met by Brazilian Portugue
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We have tacitly assumed that in the
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predicted by Rizzi's (1991-b) theor
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Another issue to consider is Chomsk
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Chapter 4 Infinitival Constructions
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section 1.3. 1.1. Parallelism betwe
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(5) a. He tried [ to be himself/*hi
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c. No diu mai la veritat (Catalan)
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allowing 'if'-infinitives: (11) a.
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(15) [ I' V o [ I' [ I o cl I o ] ]
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genitive position. Suppose this NP
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infinitives. 113 This generalizatio
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(21) *John doesn't remember if [ IP
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positions inside the (strict) NP. I
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(25) Votar en Joan, em sembla que n
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We assumed that AGR o is the unmark
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controlled. To obtain this result w
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(32) [ X o AGR o i ] [ AGRP [ PRO P
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(34) Sempre/mai /ja /encara (*en Jo
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'nominal' and 'adverbial' FC head.
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was less fixed (subject to the Tobl
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To the extent these data cast doubt
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enclisis (English, French, Occitan,
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An important question arises here.
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ecome the AGR-identifier, a favored
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This fact should be due to some res
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(54) a. El libro, parece [ IP haber
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As for Occitan, it does apparently
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Chain, so there is no trace in the
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(63) a. Dicitur eos venisse Said-is
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therefore, not a Case-position. The
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(72) Non keljo a vénnere tue Not I
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(74) Fer (???en Joan) la feina (en
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ecause control would be a universal
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should be able to derive the existe
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In order to account for these facts
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2.4.2. IOS with a Subject in Specif
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under a FC: perhaps under T o itsel
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Summing up, Nominative assignment w
Page 263 and 264: Chapter 5 Preverbal Subjects in NSL
Page 265 and 266: NSLs are not dislocated must admit
Page 267 and 268: In fact, the non-dislocated version
Page 269 and 270: many of the proposals coincide in c
Page 271 and 272: ) CLLD elements: (10) a. *Studenti
Page 273 and 274: (13) He enviat tres exemplars a qua
Page 275 and 276: (17) CLLD elements: a. (A) un/algun
Page 277 and 278: (18) a. 1. *Res (*en Joan) ho ha fe
Page 279 and 280: To many of-these today not them-hav
Page 281 and 282: (19) a. 1. A ningú (*crec que) l'h
Page 283 and 284: 0 c. 1. ?A pocs assistents els havi
Page 285 and 286: 2. Nessuno (questa volta) ha passat
Page 287 and 288: All (this time) have passed the-exa
Page 289 and 290: Another well-known fact points to t
Page 291 and 292: the highest FC below CP is (in fini
Page 293 and 294: (27) In a FC, the AGR component imp
Page 295 and 296: I will contend that in Romance NSLs
Page 297 and 298: languages. If so, in 0 en Joan woul
Page 299 and 300: to V+INFL movement to C o . Since,
Page 301 and 302: the issue here. 176 The main proble
Page 303 and 304: The suggestion in d) that non-NSLs
Page 305 and 306: AGR-less), this position should be
Page 307 and 308: References Adams, M. (1987) Old Fre
Page 309 and 310: OTS, Utrecht, pp. 1-7. Everaert, M.
Page 311 and 312: Larson, R.K. (1991) "Promise and th
Page 313: Cambridge, MA. Rizzi, L. (1989-b) O
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Jaume Solà i Pujols - Departament de Filologia Catalana ...

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