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Jaume Solà i Pujols Agreement and
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List of errata 1. Most significativ
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Table of contents Acknowledgements.
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4. CP I-subjects and Small Clauses.
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I wish to express my gratitude to t
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Chapter 1 Introduction The present
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1. Aims and Scope of this Thesis Th
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why infinitives in NSLs allow long
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2.2. Subject Inversion Subject inve
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Focus, which suggests this is a Foc
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Thus the examples in 0 seem to indi
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c. Comprarà el menjar en Joan aque
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(10) a. Ha anat a casa en Joan Has
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(13) Passives: a. Han estat posats
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an AP, PP or NP predicate. As befor
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to such a conflict, subject inversi
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degraded constructions when the req
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2.2.5. Floating Quantifiers Koopman
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- Page 43 and 44: Chapter 2 Burzio's Generalization a
- Page 45 and 46: In the a. examples we have verbs as
- Page 47 and 48: 2. Possible Solutions Based on CHAI
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- Page 51 and 52: Both examples in 0 involve CHAINS c
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- Page 55 and 56: Partitive forces the DP receiving i
- Page 57 and 58: 2.4.1. Empirical Problems The theor
- Page 59 and 60: 2.4.2. Theoretical Problems Another
- Page 61 and 62: (31) SS: Therei came a mani LF: A m
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- Page 65 and 66: (39) BT-status of I-subjects (accor
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- Page 69 and 70: G. it-has done he (SELF) / SE SELF
- Page 71 and 72: Spanish (49) Ella misma estaba all
- Page 73 and 74: (53) a. sich selbst (SE SELF) (emph
- Page 75 and 76: element in the Romance NSLs (lui-m
- Page 77 and 78: This suggests that in these languag
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- Page 81 and 82: (65) a. Juan mismo lo harà /**Juan
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- Page 99 and 100: Actually, there are some exceptions
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- Page 103 and 104: pronominalize as the clitic ho is s
- Page 105 and 106: (23) It looks as if ... In 0 it is
- Page 107 and 108: Now, suppose we make the following
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- Page 111 and 112: (35) a. *Resulta (, que vindrà) Tu
- Page 113 and 114: (38) Semblar-1 Semblar-2 'convincin
- Page 115 and 116: (40) a. AGR ... [ VP John [ VP open
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- Page 121 and 122: e in the c-command domain could be
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- Page 133 and 134: (62) After this emotional shock...
- Page 135 and 136: (64) 'I think that you were not you
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stimulus: probably the reluctant sp
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eflexive, but rather the one used a
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2.3.3. On the Status of Binding The
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2.4. The Position of pro and Floati
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(80) a. Estant cansat, és millor q
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(83) a. PRO estant malalt, a en Joa
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The other empirical argument presen
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I cannot provide any clear solution
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pronouns and emphatic (pseudo-)I-su
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each other: AGR has to be licenced
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There seems to be an interesting co
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(101) a. Sóc jo (el president) Am
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(104) At D-structure, AGR must be c
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(109) Li fa menjar patates Cl-DAT m
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(112) a. Partitive DPs do not have
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(115) AGR developed [ DP typhoons ]
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the I-subject. - some principles of
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Coordinated preverbal CPs can trigg
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allow null objects in a way Modern
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eyond CPs, to appear to the end of
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We have crucially assumed that I-su
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(137) Paduan (Rizzi (1982)): a. (Gi
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option in 0.c), because the AGR-mor
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equired for both Null Subjects and
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the present widespread conception o
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prediction is then that in French F
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7. Summary In this chapter we have
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1. Some Properties of Infinitival C
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(3) Catalan, Spanish, Italian: a. E
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1.2. V-movement in Infinitives Poll
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1.3. Kayne's Proposal Kayne (1991)
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(13) *[ X o V o ] ... [ Y o cl [ Y
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theorem), then we explain that 'if'
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Binding Domain has to be extended t
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I' can. Otherwise, Sardinian would
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languages, and it potentially runs
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Kayne points out an additional prob
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- it predicts a contrast in degree
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(28) In the unmarked case, controll
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infinitives is due to a violation o
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appropriate host and it has to clit
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c. aff. imperatives: (*ja) ves-hi (
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Spanish: a. Al llegar At-the to-arr
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(38) a. Crec (*en Joan) que (en Joa
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(40) a. *Each other's accusation tr
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) Hence (headless) PRO in Spec of A
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our hypothesis, our prediction is n
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In both cases, both the main clause
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device in this case. In fact, Torre
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aising) can be reduced to a single
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Since pseudo-raising is likely to b
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(62) a. I ... [ V o believe] [ IP h
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they are anyway marked options. I d
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(68) a. Aquesta habitació és per
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Catalan and Spanish prepositional t
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(76) a. How is Nominative assigned
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In the case of raising and ECM, sin
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Then in NSLs taking the unmarked op
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for Occitan, it is certainly better
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(80) (Peter had it done by a lawyer
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- incompatibility between (lexical)
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3. Summary In this chapter we have
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Now we have to answer at least thre
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So both preverbal subjects and CLLD
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(6) a. Un roc ha caigut A stone has
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(8) a. *Estudiants els he vist Stud
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There is, in addition, an interpret
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(15) a. Preverbal subjects: Ningú
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a) V moves to AGR o in NSLs (and we
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0 g. 1. A qualsevol (???al Brasil)
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when one wants to refer to somebody
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are not allowed as preverbal subjec
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(21) a. 1. *Niente (Gianni) lo ha f
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(22) a. 1. *Niente (Gianni) lo ha f
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(23) Tots els estudiantsi es pensen
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quantified ones). Since this positi
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two factors restricting preverbal s
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1.3. Interrogative Wh-movement It h
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(28) Espero (*avui) (*en Joan) que
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honestly do not see any interesting
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(33) a. Cosa ha pro fatto? What has
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'strong'/'weak' and [±human] natur
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2. Infinitives Now let us consider
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(38) a. John's loving Mary so much
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SNLLT 15, Dordrecht, pp. 111-142 Bu
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Kayne, R. (1981) '"On Certain Diffe
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WPL-1991, pp.211-34. Poletto, C. (1
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Taraldsen, K.T. (1980) On the Nomin