Jaume Solà i Pujols - Departament de Filologia Catalana ...

More documents

Recommendations

Info

pronominals and it is quite rich. Therefore, taking sig as Nominative would contradict the general pattern, namely that DPs have no neutral Case-forms. As for German, which also has Case morphology across the board, we have to assume that this language does have neutral Case- forms (at least for sich selbst). In fact, German Case-morphology is much poorer than in Icelandic. So, unlike in Icelandic, the German sich selbst element does not distinguish between Nominative and Accusative: (76) German: a. Hans ist sich selbst nicht mehr H. is SE SELFNom not more b. Hans sag sich selbst H. saw SE SELFAcc Icelandic: c. Jón er ekki lengur hann sjálfur J. is not longer he SELFNom d. Jón meiddi sig sjálfan J. hurt SE SELFAcc Therefore, the problematic case in Icelandic could be assumed to be due to morphology: no Nominative or neutral form being available for sig, the Nominative form hann has to be used as a suppletion for sig. Even if there are some problematic cases, I think that the contrast shown in 0/0 is significant enough not to disregard the issue. 1
2.3.3. On the Status of Binding Theory We have proposed a definition of Binding Domain which is intended to cover two empirical phenomena (the [±anaphoric] status of I-subjects and of copulative predicates) that, as far as I know, had not been addressed in the literature thus far and were not even considered relevant for Binding Theory. Binding Theory has often been conceived of as a means for accounting for co-reference restrictions between DPs having independent θ-roles: 79 in the above proposal, however, I- subjects do not have independent θ-roles from their (possible) preverbal antecedents or, in the case of copulative clauses, the post-copular element is not a referring entity (it is a predicate). So they are not cases of co-reference in a reasonable sense of the term. Then, if the above approach is on the right track, it strongly suggests that Binding Theory is a purely formal device which blindly extends beyond the scope of co-reference. A second issue to be addressed concerns the empirical complexity of Binding Theoretical facts: recent research on a variety of languages has shown that Binding Theory is much more complex than early studies about English and similar languages suggested (one has to face complexities as long distance binding, subject (anti-)orientation, logophoricity, etc.). 80 Our reformulation of Binding Theory does not say anything about these issues, and one might suspect it is too naively tied to a simplistic view of classical Binding Theory. Although I admit that a more comprehensive approach to Binding Theory is necessary, I think the present proposal has several advantages: view. - as we pointed out, it is neutral w.r.t. the standard cases of Binding Theory: the 79 See for instance Reinhart & Reuland (1991) for such a 80 See for instance Hestvik (1990) and Vikner (1985) for Scandinavian, Everaert (1986) for Dutch, Koster & Reuland (1991) for long distance anaphora. 1
Page 1 and 2:
Jaume Solà i Pujols Agreement and
Page 3 and 4:
List of errata 1. Most significativ
Page 5 and 6:
Table of contents Acknowledgements.
Page 7 and 8:
4. CP I-subjects and Small Clauses.
Page 9 and 10:
I wish to express my gratitude to t
Page 11 and 12:
Chapter 1 Introduction The present
Page 13 and 14:
1. Aims and Scope of this Thesis Th
Page 15 and 16:
why infinitives in NSLs allow long
Page 17 and 18:
2.2. Subject Inversion Subject inve
Page 19 and 20:
Focus, which suggests this is a Foc
Page 21 and 22:
Thus the examples in 0 seem to indi
Page 23 and 24:
c. Comprarà el menjar en Joan aque
Page 25 and 26:
(10) a. Ha anat a casa en Joan Has
Page 27 and 28:
(13) Passives: a. Han estat posats
Page 29 and 30:
an AP, PP or NP predicate. As befor
Page 31 and 32:
to such a conflict, subject inversi
Page 33 and 34:
degraded constructions when the req
Page 35 and 36:
2.2.5. Floating Quantifiers Koopman
Page 37 and 38:
I will adopt the view that FQs unde
Page 39 and 40:
2.4. The Split INFL Hypothesis and
Page 41 and 42:
(38) Infinitives: a. No cal (?*semp
Page 43 and 44:
Chapter 2 Burzio's Generalization a
Page 45 and 46:
In the a. examples we have verbs as
Page 47 and 48:
2. Possible Solutions Based on CHAI
Page 49 and 50:
2.2. CHAINS A solution for the abov
Page 51 and 52:
Both examples in 0 involve CHAINS c
Page 53 and 54:
- null expletive-inverted subject C
Page 55 and 56:
Partitive forces the DP receiving i
Page 57 and 58:
2.4.1. Empirical Problems The theor
Page 59 and 60:
2.4.2. Theoretical Problems Another
Page 61 and 62:
(31) SS: Therei came a mani LF: A m
Page 63 and 64:
expletive/Argument links as having
Page 65 and 66:
(39) BT-status of I-subjects (accor
Page 67 and 68:
(44) a. *Ho ha fet en Joan ell (mat
Page 69 and 70:
G. it-has done he (SELF) / SE SELF
Page 71 and 72:
Spanish (49) Ella misma estaba all
Page 73 and 74:
(53) a. sich selbst (SE SELF) (emph
Page 75 and 76:
element in the Romance NSLs (lui-m
Page 77 and 78:
This suggests that in these languag
Page 79 and 80:
analyzable as floating elements? Th
Page 81 and 82:
(65) a. Juan mismo lo harà /**Juan
Page 83 and 84:
sam/tuiton ]. When they are preverb
Page 85 and 86:
(72) a. Gianni ha fatto (lui) il la
Page 87:
(75) I-subjects in NSLs: a. empty p
Page 90 and 91:
which we deal with in the next sect
Page 92 and 93: not assigned until S-structure. The
Page 94 and 95: A piece of support for the above hy
Page 96 and 97: Suppose that in both cases no DP is
Page 98 and 99: (12) At D-structure, the obligatory
Page 100 and 101: (14) a. It strikes me that... b. It
Page 102 and 103: (17) a. Sembla que està cansat See
Page 104 and 105: (21) A- Estàs cansat? Are you tire
Page 106 and 107: (or CP) as an alternative to the (p
Page 108 and 109: (30) a. Plou sense PRO semblar que
Page 110 and 111: (32) a. *Em sembla que plogui Me se
Page 112 and 113: (36) Diu que es casen Says that the
Page 114 and 115: contrast with Catalan (and Spanish)
Page 116 and 117: violates some locality condition on
Page 118 and 119: every member of the extended Chain
Page 120 and 121: (45) a. ?*Which book does it seem t
Page 122 and 123: containing a Case conflict. In othe
Page 124 and 125: (51) Spec of AGR is rich iff it is
Page 126 and 127: 0 makes the prediction that T to AG
Page 128 and 129: In Chapter 4 we will use Chain-exte
Page 130 and 131: (59) a. Spec of AGR need not be obl
Page 132 and 133: 2.3.2. Anaphoric Copulative Constru
Page 134 and 135: (63) Yusuf mà huwa nafsuhu J. not
Page 136 and 137: taking English and Catalan as repre
Page 138 and 139: (69) Greek: a. O KóstasNom íne [
Page 140 and 141: (72) [ DP o [ NP eaftós [ tu ] ] ]
Page 144 and 145: additional requirement of a Case-po
Page 146 and 147: postverbal subject in 0.c), which c
Page 148 and 149: (81) a. Com que estava cansat, en J
Page 150 and 151: (84) a. El cotxe d'en Joani, ell (m
Page 152 and 153: 0.c) is ungrammatical because there
Page 154 and 155: - FQs, even if generated in A-posit
Page 156 and 157: (93) At D-structure, AGR must be co
Page 158 and 159: (97) a. AGR must have an AGR-identi
Page 160 and 161: (100) ser... [ SC jo el president ]
Page 162 and 163: Since Binding Theory plays a crucia
Page 164 and 165: (107) a. There have developed typho
Page 166 and 167: general view. 92 I will not develop
Page 168 and 169: (114) No agreement: a. Il y a des e
Page 170 and 171: (116) If a non-NSL does not show ov
Page 172 and 173: I think the above evidence is rathe
Page 174 and 175: (125) a. CPs cannot be (directly) C
Page 176 and 177: linked to an it-expletive, which do
Page 178 and 179: (136) a. Où (dis-tu qu') est allé
Page 180 and 181: particles. 102 The correlation seem
Page 182 and 183: (139) 6-person paradigm with a pron
Page 184 and 185: (which is met by Brazilian Portugue
Page 186 and 187: We have tacitly assumed that in the
Page 188 and 189: predicted by Rizzi's (1991-b) theor
Page 190 and 191: Another issue to consider is Chomsk
Page 193 and 194:
Chapter 4 Infinitival Constructions
Page 195 and 196:
section 1.3. 1.1. Parallelism betwe
Page 197 and 198:
(5) a. He tried [ to be himself/*hi
Page 199 and 200:
c. No diu mai la veritat (Catalan)
Page 201 and 202:
allowing 'if'-infinitives: (11) a.
Page 203 and 204:
(15) [ I' V o [ I' [ I o cl I o ] ]
Page 205 and 206:
genitive position. Suppose this NP
Page 207 and 208:
infinitives. 113 This generalizatio
Page 209 and 210:
(21) *John doesn't remember if [ IP
Page 211 and 212:
positions inside the (strict) NP. I
Page 213 and 214:
(25) Votar en Joan, em sembla que n
Page 215 and 216:
We assumed that AGR o is the unmark
Page 217 and 218:
controlled. To obtain this result w
Page 219 and 220:
(32) [ X o AGR o i ] [ AGRP [ PRO P
Page 221 and 222:
(34) Sempre/mai /ja /encara (*en Jo
Page 223 and 224:
'nominal' and 'adverbial' FC head.
Page 225 and 226:
was less fixed (subject to the Tobl
Page 227 and 228:
To the extent these data cast doubt
Page 229 and 230:
enclisis (English, French, Occitan,
Page 231 and 232:
An important question arises here.
Page 233 and 234:
ecome the AGR-identifier, a favored
Page 235 and 236:
This fact should be due to some res
Page 237 and 238:
(54) a. El libro, parece [ IP haber
Page 239 and 240:
As for Occitan, it does apparently
Page 241 and 242:
Chain, so there is no trace in the
Page 243 and 244:
(63) a. Dicitur eos venisse Said-is
Page 245 and 246:
therefore, not a Case-position. The
Page 247 and 248:
(72) Non keljo a vénnere tue Not I
Page 249 and 250:
(74) Fer (???en Joan) la feina (en
Page 251 and 252:
ecause control would be a universal
Page 253 and 254:
should be able to derive the existe
Page 255 and 256:
In order to account for these facts
Page 257 and 258:
2.4.2. IOS with a Subject in Specif
Page 259 and 260:
under a FC: perhaps under T o itsel
Page 261 and 262:
Summing up, Nominative assignment w
Page 263 and 264:
Chapter 5 Preverbal Subjects in NSL
Page 265 and 266:
NSLs are not dislocated must admit
Page 267 and 268:
In fact, the non-dislocated version
Page 269 and 270:
many of the proposals coincide in c
Page 271 and 272:
) CLLD elements: (10) a. *Studenti
Page 273 and 274:
(13) He enviat tres exemplars a qua
Page 275 and 276:
(17) CLLD elements: a. (A) un/algun
Page 277 and 278:
(18) a. 1. *Res (*en Joan) ho ha fe
Page 279 and 280:
To many of-these today not them-hav
Page 281 and 282:
(19) a. 1. A ningú (*crec que) l'h
Page 283 and 284:
0 c. 1. ?A pocs assistents els havi
Page 285 and 286:
2. Nessuno (questa volta) ha passat
Page 287 and 288:
All (this time) have passed the-exa
Page 289 and 290:
Another well-known fact points to t
Page 291 and 292:
the highest FC below CP is (in fini
Page 293 and 294:
(27) In a FC, the AGR component imp
Page 295 and 296:
I will contend that in Romance NSLs
Page 297 and 298:
languages. If so, in 0 en Joan woul
Page 299 and 300:
to V+INFL movement to C o . Since,
Page 301 and 302:
the issue here. 176 The main proble
Page 303 and 304:
The suggestion in d) that non-NSLs
Page 305 and 306:
AGR-less), this position should be
Page 307 and 308:
References Adams, M. (1987) Old Fre
Page 309 and 310:
OTS, Utrecht, pp. 1-7. Everaert, M.
Page 311 and 312:
Larson, R.K. (1991) "Promise and th
Page 313 and 314:
Cambridge, MA. Rizzi, L. (1989-b) O
show all

Jaume Solà i Pujols - Departament de Filologia Catalana ...

Create successful ePaper yourself

Delete template?

Save as template?