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Jaume Solà i Pujols - Departament de Filologia Catalana ...

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(63) Yusuf mà huwa nafsuhu<br />

J. not he he-self<br />

'J. is not himself'<br />

Cf.:<br />

Yusuf mà huwa tawil<br />

J. not he tall<br />

'J. is not tall'<br />

Hebrew, which we saw was not very telling w.r.t. the anaphoric/pronominal status of I-<br />

subjects (it apparently allows neither option), provi<strong>de</strong>s very interesting data in this connection.<br />

As is well-known, Hebrew is a mixed language w.r.t. null subjects: it allows them only with<br />

certain verbal forms (past tense 1st/2nd person) and contexts (embed<strong>de</strong>d sentences having a<br />

subject bound by the superordinate subject). Even if it is not clear what this pattern amounts to<br />

from a theoretical point of view, one possible prediction could be that in the kind of<br />

constructions we are consi<strong>de</strong>ring are sensitive to the (non) null-subject context. This prediction is<br />

roughly borne out: in null-subject contexts, a pronominal is preferred, as shown by the contrast in<br />

0, whereas in non-null-subject contexts an anaphor is preferred, as shown in 0: 76<br />

76 Thanks to Ur Shlonsky, who first suggested the possibility<br />

of having such a contrast, Tali Siloni, Hagit Borer and Erez<br />

Bronstein. Not all of them agree on the judgements, but their<br />

disagreements consist in simply not seeing some of the contrasts<br />

rather than having opposite values. Only Tali Siloni points out<br />

that for past-3rd person (which is a non-null-subject context)<br />

she prefers a pronominal -(i)- or even better a pronominal-SELF<br />

expression -(ii)-:<br />

(i) Hu lo haya hu/??acmo ba-mesiba<br />

He not was he himself in-the-party<br />

(ii) Hu lo haya hu-acmo ba-mesiba<br />

He not was he-SELF in-the-party<br />

1

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