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(8) a. *Estudiants els he vist Students them-have-I seen b. *Res ho ha fet Nothing it-has done c. *Pocs estudiants els ha convidat Few students them-has invited Spanish and Italian display about the same restrictions (examples from Italian; recall we are not dealing with Focus-fronted elements, which would be acceptable in 0, with a different intonation): a) Peverbal subjects: (9) a. *Studenti sono arrivati 1 Students are arrived 'Students have arrived' b. ?*Pocchi studenti sono arrivati Few students have arrived c. ?*Niente è successo Nothing has happened
) CLLD elements: (10) a. *Studenti li ho visti Students them-have-I seen 'I have seen students' b. *Pocchi studenti li ho visti Few students them-have-I seen 'I've seen few students' c. *Niente l'ho visto Nothing it-have-I seen 'I've seen nothing' The reason these examples are not allowed is that these quantifiers are 'strong', and cannot be forced to a D-linked or 'referential' reading. Similar considerations can be made of proportion quantifiers ('a few', 'most', 'many') and numerals: the D-linked or 'referential' reading prevails for preverbal subjects, while postverbal subjects are ambiguous: (11) a. Molts estrangers treballen aquí Many foreigners work here 'Many of the foreigners work here' Not: 'There are many foreign workers here' b. Aquí hi treballen molts estrangers' Here there-work many foreigners a) 'There are many foreign workers here' b) 'Many of the foreigners work here' As for universal quantifiers, there do not seem to be sharp occurrence restrictions. 1
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Jaume Solà i Pujols Agreement and
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List of errata 1. Most significativ
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Table of contents Acknowledgements.
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4. CP I-subjects and Small Clauses.
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I wish to express my gratitude to t
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Chapter 1 Introduction The present
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1. Aims and Scope of this Thesis Th
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why infinitives in NSLs allow long
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2.2. Subject Inversion Subject inve
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Focus, which suggests this is a Foc
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Thus the examples in 0 seem to indi
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c. Comprarà el menjar en Joan aque
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(10) a. Ha anat a casa en Joan Has
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(13) Passives: a. Han estat posats
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an AP, PP or NP predicate. As befor
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to such a conflict, subject inversi
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degraded constructions when the req
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2.2.5. Floating Quantifiers Koopman
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I will adopt the view that FQs unde
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2.4. The Split INFL Hypothesis and
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(38) Infinitives: a. No cal (?*semp
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Chapter 2 Burzio's Generalization a
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In the a. examples we have verbs as
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2. Possible Solutions Based on CHAI
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2.2. CHAINS A solution for the abov
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Both examples in 0 involve CHAINS c
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- null expletive-inverted subject C
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Partitive forces the DP receiving i
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2.4.1. Empirical Problems The theor
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2.4.2. Theoretical Problems Another
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(31) SS: Therei came a mani LF: A m
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expletive/Argument links as having
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(39) BT-status of I-subjects (accor
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(44) a. *Ho ha fet en Joan ell (mat
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G. it-has done he (SELF) / SE SELF
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Spanish (49) Ella misma estaba all
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(53) a. sich selbst (SE SELF) (emph
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element in the Romance NSLs (lui-m
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This suggests that in these languag
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analyzable as floating elements? Th
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(65) a. Juan mismo lo harà /**Juan
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sam/tuiton ]. When they are preverb
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(72) a. Gianni ha fatto (lui) il la
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(75) I-subjects in NSLs: a. empty p
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which we deal with in the next sect
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not assigned until S-structure. The
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A piece of support for the above hy
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Suppose that in both cases no DP is
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(12) At D-structure, the obligatory
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(14) a. It strikes me that... b. It
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(17) a. Sembla que està cansat See
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(21) A- Estàs cansat? Are you tire
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(or CP) as an alternative to the (p
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(30) a. Plou sense PRO semblar que
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(32) a. *Em sembla que plogui Me se
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(36) Diu que es casen Says that the
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contrast with Catalan (and Spanish)
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violates some locality condition on
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every member of the extended Chain
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(45) a. ?*Which book does it seem t
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containing a Case conflict. In othe
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(51) Spec of AGR is rich iff it is
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0 makes the prediction that T to AG
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In Chapter 4 we will use Chain-exte
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(59) a. Spec of AGR need not be obl
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2.3.2. Anaphoric Copulative Constru
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(63) Yusuf mà huwa nafsuhu J. not
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taking English and Catalan as repre
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(69) Greek: a. O KóstasNom íne [
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(72) [ DP o [ NP eaftós [ tu ] ] ]
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pronominals and it is quite rich. T
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additional requirement of a Case-po
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postverbal subject in 0.c), which c
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(81) a. Com que estava cansat, en J
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(84) a. El cotxe d'en Joani, ell (m
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0.c) is ungrammatical because there
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- FQs, even if generated in A-posit
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(93) At D-structure, AGR must be co
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(97) a. AGR must have an AGR-identi
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(100) ser... [ SC jo el president ]
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Since Binding Theory plays a crucia
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(107) a. There have developed typho
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general view. 92 I will not develop
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(114) No agreement: a. Il y a des e
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(116) If a non-NSL does not show ov
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I think the above evidence is rathe
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(125) a. CPs cannot be (directly) C
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linked to an it-expletive, which do
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(136) a. Où (dis-tu qu') est allé
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particles. 102 The correlation seem
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(139) 6-person paradigm with a pron
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(which is met by Brazilian Portugue
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We have tacitly assumed that in the
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predicted by Rizzi's (1991-b) theor
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Another issue to consider is Chomsk
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Chapter 4 Infinitival Constructions
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section 1.3. 1.1. Parallelism betwe
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(5) a. He tried [ to be himself/*hi
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c. No diu mai la veritat (Catalan)
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allowing 'if'-infinitives: (11) a.
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(15) [ I' V o [ I' [ I o cl I o ] ]
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genitive position. Suppose this NP
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infinitives. 113 This generalizatio
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(21) *John doesn't remember if [ IP
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positions inside the (strict) NP. I
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(25) Votar en Joan, em sembla que n
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We assumed that AGR o is the unmark
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controlled. To obtain this result w
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Page 221 and 222: (34) Sempre/mai /ja /encara (*en Jo
Page 223 and 224: 'nominal' and 'adverbial' FC head.
Page 225 and 226: was less fixed (subject to the Tobl
Page 227 and 228: To the extent these data cast doubt
Page 229 and 230: enclisis (English, French, Occitan,
Page 231 and 232: An important question arises here.
Page 233 and 234: ecome the AGR-identifier, a favored
Page 235 and 236: This fact should be due to some res
Page 237 and 238: (54) a. El libro, parece [ IP haber
Page 239 and 240: As for Occitan, it does apparently
Page 241 and 242: Chain, so there is no trace in the
Page 243 and 244: (63) a. Dicitur eos venisse Said-is
Page 245 and 246: therefore, not a Case-position. The
Page 247 and 248: (72) Non keljo a vénnere tue Not I
Page 249 and 250: (74) Fer (???en Joan) la feina (en
Page 251 and 252: ecause control would be a universal
Page 253 and 254: should be able to derive the existe
Page 255 and 256: In order to account for these facts
Page 257 and 258: 2.4.2. IOS with a Subject in Specif
Page 259 and 260: under a FC: perhaps under T o itsel
Page 261 and 262: Summing up, Nominative assignment w
Page 263 and 264: Chapter 5 Preverbal Subjects in NSL
Page 265 and 266: NSLs are not dislocated must admit
Page 267 and 268: In fact, the non-dislocated version
Page 269: many of the proposals coincide in c
Page 273 and 274: (13) He enviat tres exemplars a qua
Page 275 and 276: (17) CLLD elements: a. (A) un/algun
Page 277 and 278: (18) a. 1. *Res (*en Joan) ho ha fe
Page 279 and 280: To many of-these today not them-hav
Page 281 and 282: (19) a. 1. A ningú (*crec que) l'h
Page 283 and 284: 0 c. 1. ?A pocs assistents els havi
Page 285 and 286: 2. Nessuno (questa volta) ha passat
Page 287 and 288: All (this time) have passed the-exa
Page 289 and 290: Another well-known fact points to t
Page 291 and 292: the highest FC below CP is (in fini
Page 293 and 294: (27) In a FC, the AGR component imp
Page 295 and 296: I will contend that in Romance NSLs
Page 297 and 298: languages. If so, in 0 en Joan woul
Page 299 and 300: to V+INFL movement to C o . Since,
Page 301 and 302: the issue here. 176 The main proble
Page 303 and 304: The suggestion in d) that non-NSLs
Page 305 and 306: AGR-less), this position should be
Page 307 and 308: References Adams, M. (1987) Old Fre
Page 309 and 310: OTS, Utrecht, pp. 1-7. Everaert, M.
Page 311 and 312: Larson, R.K. (1991) "Promise and th
Page 313 and 314: Cambridge, MA. Rizzi, L. (1989-b) O
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Jaume Solà i Pujols - Departament de Filologia Catalana ...

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