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Jaume Solà i Pujols - Departament de Filologia Catalana ...

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(6) a. Un roc ha caigut<br />

A stone has fallen<br />

'One (of the) stone(s) fell'<br />

(not just: 'A stone fell')<br />

b. Un cotxe ha passat<br />

A car has gone-by<br />

'One (of the) car(s) went by'<br />

(not just: 'A car went by')<br />

There seem to be other factors favoring neutral (i.e., 'What's happening?'-appropriate)<br />

dislocation or preverbal subjecthood: there is a gradation agent-dative-object-oblique going from<br />

most to least favoring. This favoring gradation is specially apparent with 'inverted' psych-verbs<br />

(It. piacere, 'to like' see Belletti & Rizzi (1988)), which most often have the Dative or Accusative<br />

Experiencer Argument as CLLD and the subject Theme as an I-subject. I will not pursue the<br />

issue. Suffice it to be the case that no criterion singles out, as far as we have seen, preverbal<br />

subjects as opposed to CLLD elements in a clear-cut way: both subjects and CLLD datives or<br />

objects have the same favoring conditions for (non-Focus-fronted) preverbal position, even if one<br />

of the favoring conditions is possibly being an external Argument (then a subject).<br />

There is a more solid criterion that has become a classical test for subjecthood as opposed<br />

to dislocation: only true subjects can be quantified. I think this criterion can be a good test. But I<br />

think too that it has many times been oversimplified. It is not enough to come up with a few<br />

examples (such as 0) and conclu<strong>de</strong> they are genuine cases of true subjects. On the empirical si<strong>de</strong>,<br />

it may happen (and it does happen) that not all quantifiers behave alike. On the theoretical si<strong>de</strong>,<br />

we know there are various kinds of quantifiers: apart from 'true' quantifiers, researchers have<br />

proposed subclasses such as D-linked quantifiers (Pesetsky (1982)), branching quantifiers (May<br />

(1985), Hornstein (1984)), in<strong>de</strong>finite DPs with a referential reading (Fodor & Sag (1982)), etc. I<br />

will not address the issue of a proper classification (these classes are not complementary), but<br />

1

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