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Jaume Solà i Pujols - Departament de Filologia Catalana ...

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<strong>de</strong>gra<strong>de</strong>d constructions when the requirement is violated (comparable to *John put on the table<br />

the book). In fact, there are many examples of subject inversion with the or<strong>de</strong>r V O S being<br />

perfectly acceptable. I think that the varying <strong>de</strong>grees of acceptability of the word or<strong>de</strong>r V O S<br />

rather <strong>de</strong>pend on the contextual or pragmatic plausibility for the V O sequence to be interpreted<br />

as a topic of conversation (so V O sequences like 'cook the meal', 'pay the bill', etc. readily accept<br />

a postverbal subject, whereas sequences like 'find a curious worm' do not). So, both in Catalan<br />

and, as far as I know, in Italian, sentences like the following are perfectly acceptable:<br />

(22) a. Avui farà el dinar en Joan (Catalan)<br />

Today will-make the lunch the J.<br />

'Today Joan will cook the lunch'<br />

b. Questo mese, pagherà le fatture Gianni (Italian)<br />

This month will-pay the bills G.<br />

'This month Gianni will pay the bills'<br />

Delfitto & Pinto (1992) make the surprising claim that inverted subjects are subject to the<br />

Definiteness Effect, and that apparent counterexamples should be analyzed as involving a Small<br />

Clause structure. They present acceptability contrasts as the following:<br />

(23) Ha recensito il libro un professore/*Gianni<br />

Has reviewed the book a professor / G.<br />

From the empirical point of view, if there is a contrast in 0, it is very feeble: 12 in fact<br />

neither of the options in 0 should be very natural if asserted out of a context. No such contrast<br />

will appear in 0, which is a more felicitous sentence from the pragmatic point of view:<br />

12 The Italian speakers I asked found no such contrast.<br />

1

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