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Jaume Solà i Pujols - Departament de Filologia Catalana ...

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(65) a. Juan mismo lo harà /**Juan lo harà mismo<br />

J. SELF it-will-do J. it-will-do SELF<br />

b. Lui stesso lo farà /**Lui lo farà stesso<br />

He SELF it-will-do G. it-will-do SELF<br />

c. Ele mesmo fé-lo /**Ele fé-lo mesmo<br />

He SELF did-it He did-it SELF<br />

So, to summarize, non-NSLs allow, as I-subject, either an overt anaphor or a floating<br />

emphatic element cooccurring with an empty anaphor. NSLs allow neither, because they do not<br />

allow anaphoric I-subjects.<br />

The conclusion is, instead, that null I-subjects in NSLs are pronominal, a controversial<br />

conclusion, to which I return later.<br />

Romanian is potentially problematic as a NSL: although el insusi is apparently the same<br />

as Italian lui stesso (he SELF), it is not equivalent: the SELF element is actually el insusi in cases<br />

like 0.a):<br />

(66) a. [ DP Ion el insusi ] (cf.: **Ion insusi)<br />

Ion himself<br />

b. Ion a scris el insusi acest proiect<br />

I. has written el insusi this project<br />

Thus el insusi in 0.b) could be analyzed as [ DP t el insusi ], so that Romanian would not<br />

have reflexive I-subjects (si insusi) but it would have empty anaphoric I-subjects with a floating<br />

SELF. However, since these elements are often ambiguous (e.g., English himself is ambiguous<br />

between reflexive and SELF), we can perfectly contend that el insusi is ambiguous between a<br />

SELF element and an emphatic/logophoric element. A more <strong>de</strong>tailed study should address the<br />

issue of how these ambiguities are possible and so frequent and why they arise in natural<br />

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