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Jaume Solà i Pujols - Departament de Filologia Catalana ...

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- it predicts a contrast in <strong>de</strong>gree of attachment in enclisis vs. proclisis which is the<br />

opposite of what in<strong>de</strong>pen<strong>de</strong>nt morpho-phonological evi<strong>de</strong>nce suggests.<br />

- it implicitly assumes that a head does not govern its specifier, a problematic assumption<br />

for standard accounts of Binding Domain as Governing Category, unless we generalize X o -<br />

adjunction-to-Y' to all the parallel cases.<br />

- it crucially relies on the notion of CFC in a way that is not trivially adaptable to present-<br />

day assumptions on clause structure.<br />

move.<br />

- it represents V+enclitic as not forming a constituent, thus predicting that V-cl cannot<br />

- Portuguese is a potential counter-example.<br />

- control cannot be easily reduced to BT.<br />

Perhaps it is not advisable to simply dismantle a proposal with such a basic appeal and<br />

perspicuous insights as Kayne's, on the basis of technical problems: these problems might<br />

disappear as a <strong>de</strong>eper un<strong>de</strong>rstanding of the facts <strong>de</strong>velops. However, at least one of the problems,<br />

namely the pervasive consequences of taking the proposal of X o -adjunction-to-Y' seriously,<br />

which has dramatic effects on cases like 0 and 0, does not seem to be a si<strong>de</strong>-problem and casts<br />

serious doubts on the first glance plausibility of the theory.<br />

The alternative account we will present is, admittedly, less ambitious, for it gives up<br />

some of the promising achievements in Kayne's theory, such as reducing control to BT.<br />

2. The AGR-i<strong>de</strong>ntifier of Infinitives<br />

In the preceding chapter, we adopted a parameter that <strong>de</strong>termines which is the AGR-<br />

i<strong>de</strong>ntifier for a (finite) clause, repeated here as 0:<br />

(26) AGR o /Spec of AGR is the AGR-i<strong>de</strong>ntifier of AGR.<br />

1

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