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Jaume Solà i Pujols Agreement and
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List of errata 1. Most significativ
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Table of contents Acknowledgements.
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4. CP I-subjects and Small Clauses.
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I wish to express my gratitude to t
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Chapter 1 Introduction The present
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1. Aims and Scope of this Thesis Th
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why infinitives in NSLs allow long
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2.2. Subject Inversion Subject inve
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Focus, which suggests this is a Foc
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Thus the examples in 0 seem to indi
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c. Comprarà el menjar en Joan aque
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(10) a. Ha anat a casa en Joan Has
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(13) Passives: a. Han estat posats
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an AP, PP or NP predicate. As befor
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to such a conflict, subject inversi
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degraded constructions when the req
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2.2.5. Floating Quantifiers Koopman
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I will adopt the view that FQs unde
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2.4. The Split INFL Hypothesis and
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(38) Infinitives: a. No cal (?*semp
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Chapter 2 Burzio's Generalization a
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In the a. examples we have verbs as
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2. Possible Solutions Based on CHAI
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2.2. CHAINS A solution for the abov
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Both examples in 0 involve CHAINS c
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- null expletive-inverted subject C
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Partitive forces the DP receiving i
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2.4.1. Empirical Problems The theor
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- Page 61 and 62: (31) SS: Therei came a mani LF: A m
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- Page 65 and 66: (39) BT-status of I-subjects (accor
- Page 67 and 68: (44) a. *Ho ha fet en Joan ell (mat
- Page 69 and 70: G. it-has done he (SELF) / SE SELF
- Page 71 and 72: Spanish (49) Ella misma estaba all
- Page 73 and 74: (53) a. sich selbst (SE SELF) (emph
- Page 75 and 76: element in the Romance NSLs (lui-m
- Page 77 and 78: This suggests that in these languag
- Page 79 and 80: analyzable as floating elements? Th
- Page 81 and 82: (65) a. Juan mismo lo harà /**Juan
- Page 83 and 84: sam/tuiton ]. When they are preverb
- Page 85 and 86: (72) a. Gianni ha fatto (lui) il la
- Page 87: (75) I-subjects in NSLs: a. empty p
- Page 90 and 91: which we deal with in the next sect
- Page 92 and 93: not assigned until S-structure. The
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- Page 96 and 97: Suppose that in both cases no DP is
- Page 98 and 99: (12) At D-structure, the obligatory
- Page 100 and 101: (14) a. It strikes me that... b. It
- Page 102 and 103: (17) a. Sembla que està cansat See
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- Page 106 and 107: (or CP) as an alternative to the (p
- Page 108 and 109: (30) a. Plou sense PRO semblar que
- Page 112 and 113: (36) Diu que es casen Says that the
- Page 114 and 115: contrast with Catalan (and Spanish)
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- Page 118 and 119: every member of the extended Chain
- Page 120 and 121: (45) a. ?*Which book does it seem t
- Page 122 and 123: containing a Case conflict. In othe
- Page 124 and 125: (51) Spec of AGR is rich iff it is
- Page 126 and 127: 0 makes the prediction that T to AG
- Page 128 and 129: In Chapter 4 we will use Chain-exte
- Page 130 and 131: (59) a. Spec of AGR need not be obl
- Page 132 and 133: 2.3.2. Anaphoric Copulative Constru
- Page 134 and 135: (63) Yusuf mà huwa nafsuhu J. not
- Page 136 and 137: taking English and Catalan as repre
- Page 138 and 139: (69) Greek: a. O KóstasNom íne [
- Page 140 and 141: (72) [ DP o [ NP eaftós [ tu ] ] ]
- Page 142 and 143: pronominals and it is quite rich. T
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- Page 146 and 147: postverbal subject in 0.c), which c
- Page 148 and 149: (81) a. Com que estava cansat, en J
- Page 150 and 151: (84) a. El cotxe d'en Joani, ell (m
- Page 152 and 153: 0.c) is ungrammatical because there
- Page 154 and 155: - FQs, even if generated in A-posit
- Page 156 and 157: (93) At D-structure, AGR must be co
- Page 158 and 159: (97) a. AGR must have an AGR-identi
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(100) ser... [ SC jo el president ]
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Since Binding Theory plays a crucia
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(107) a. There have developed typho
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general view. 92 I will not develop
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(114) No agreement: a. Il y a des e
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(116) If a non-NSL does not show ov
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I think the above evidence is rathe
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(125) a. CPs cannot be (directly) C
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linked to an it-expletive, which do
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(136) a. Où (dis-tu qu') est allé
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particles. 102 The correlation seem
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(139) 6-person paradigm with a pron
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(which is met by Brazilian Portugue
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We have tacitly assumed that in the
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predicted by Rizzi's (1991-b) theor
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Another issue to consider is Chomsk
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Chapter 4 Infinitival Constructions
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section 1.3. 1.1. Parallelism betwe
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(5) a. He tried [ to be himself/*hi
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c. No diu mai la veritat (Catalan)
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allowing 'if'-infinitives: (11) a.
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(15) [ I' V o [ I' [ I o cl I o ] ]
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genitive position. Suppose this NP
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infinitives. 113 This generalizatio
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(21) *John doesn't remember if [ IP
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positions inside the (strict) NP. I
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(25) Votar en Joan, em sembla que n
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We assumed that AGR o is the unmark
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controlled. To obtain this result w
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(32) [ X o AGR o i ] [ AGRP [ PRO P
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(34) Sempre/mai /ja /encara (*en Jo
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'nominal' and 'adverbial' FC head.
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was less fixed (subject to the Tobl
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To the extent these data cast doubt
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enclisis (English, French, Occitan,
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An important question arises here.
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ecome the AGR-identifier, a favored
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This fact should be due to some res
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(54) a. El libro, parece [ IP haber
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As for Occitan, it does apparently
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Chain, so there is no trace in the
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(63) a. Dicitur eos venisse Said-is
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therefore, not a Case-position. The
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(72) Non keljo a vénnere tue Not I
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(74) Fer (???en Joan) la feina (en
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ecause control would be a universal
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should be able to derive the existe
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In order to account for these facts
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2.4.2. IOS with a Subject in Specif
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under a FC: perhaps under T o itsel
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Summing up, Nominative assignment w
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Chapter 5 Preverbal Subjects in NSL
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NSLs are not dislocated must admit
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In fact, the non-dislocated version
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many of the proposals coincide in c
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) CLLD elements: (10) a. *Studenti
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(13) He enviat tres exemplars a qua
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(17) CLLD elements: a. (A) un/algun
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(18) a. 1. *Res (*en Joan) ho ha fe
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To many of-these today not them-hav
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(19) a. 1. A ningú (*crec que) l'h
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0 c. 1. ?A pocs assistents els havi
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2. Nessuno (questa volta) ha passat
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All (this time) have passed the-exa
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Another well-known fact points to t
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the highest FC below CP is (in fini
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(27) In a FC, the AGR component imp
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I will contend that in Romance NSLs
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languages. If so, in 0 en Joan woul
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to V+INFL movement to C o . Since,
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the issue here. 176 The main proble
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The suggestion in d) that non-NSLs
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AGR-less), this position should be
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References Adams, M. (1987) Old Fre
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OTS, Utrecht, pp. 1-7. Everaert, M.
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Larson, R.K. (1991) "Promise and th
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Cambridge, MA. Rizzi, L. (1989-b) O