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Jaume Solà i Pujols - Departament de Filologia Catalana ...

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subject is interpreted as Focus and Focus requires an exhaustive reading.<br />

Similar consi<strong>de</strong>rations are valid for non-copulative individual level predicates (such as 'to<br />

know how', 'to hate'): they easily allow an inverted subject as far as an exhaustive reading<br />

interpretation is pragmatically available or linguistically emphasized:<br />

(21) a. De nosaltres, només sap cantar bé en Joan<br />

Of us only knows to-sing well the Joan<br />

'Out of us, only Joan can sing well'<br />

b. Jo odio les cerimònies, però encara les odia més en Joan<br />

I hate the ceremonies but even them-hates more the J.<br />

'I hate ceremonies, but Joan hates them even more'<br />

2.2.4. On the Availability of Subject Inversion<br />

It has often been claimed that subject inversion is a highly restricted option in languages<br />

allowing it. Since we are going to argue that the inverted subject position is a Case position<br />

available in principle for any sentence in a NSL, we should say something in this connection. Let<br />

us revise two recent proposals on the issue.<br />

Rizzi (1991-a) suggests that subject inversion is only possible if no overt complements<br />

intervene between the verb and the inverted subject. This would be due to a requirement of<br />

adjacency for Nominative assignment. I think this suggestion is problematic for at least two<br />

reasons:<br />

a) We would be <strong>de</strong>aling with merely phonological adjacency, for when the complements<br />

are absent, they must be realized as empty categories. This is not in accordance with traditional<br />

proposals on adjacency requirements for Case marking.<br />

1<br />

b) If the adjacency requirement was due to Case assignment, we would expect sharply

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