Jaume Solà i Pujols - Departament de Filologia Catalana ...

The other empirical argument presented by Rizzi is based on the following paradigm:
(86) a. I soldati sono andati tutti via
The soldiers are gone all away
'The soldiers have all gone away'
b. Sono andati tutti via
Are gone all away
c. *Sono andati tutti via i soldati
Are gone all away the soldiers
The Floating Quantifier (tutti 'all') can co-occur with both preverbal subjects and null
subjects, but not with post-verbal subjects. This would suggest, according to Rizzi, that null
subjects pattern with preverbal subjects. In more theoretical terms, we could say that a FQ is
licenced by being in the c-command domain of a referential subject. This would be the case in
0.a) and even in 0.b) if we assume there is a preverbal pro, but not in 0.c), where the referential
subject is in inverted position and only an expletive pro appears in preverbal position.
In fact, we can redefine the pattern in 0 by saying that FQs can appear in contexts where
there is null I-subject (pro in this case): both 0.a) and 0.b) would have, in our theory, a pro as I-
subject; 0.c), instead, would have i soldati as I-subject.
In Chapter 1 we assumed that FQs in languages like Catalan cannot be the result of
movement of the element they are adjoined to at D-structure, for some of them do not form a
possible constituent with this element. Now we have a theoretical reason for this fact: there is no
A-movement of the I-subject in NSLs.
Putting these ideas together, we can assume that FQs in NSLs are elements adjoined to
pro. Then 0.a/.b) would have the structure:
(87) (I soldatii) sono andati [ DP tutti proi ] via
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