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accounts for the Binding Theory facts presented above. 4. Summary In this chapter we have tried to derive Burzio's Generalization within more or less standard theories. We have been crucially involved in subject inversion structures, because these are among the most problematic cases for deriving BG and, in fact, are problematic of themselves too. We have met problems with BT and their possible solutions (esp. expletive replacement) and with Case Theory (which, in trying to derive BG, cannot anymore be conceived as imposing a last resort strategy in search for Case). Moreover, we have proposed a descriptive generalization on the binding-theoretical nature of I-subjects which, under some reasonable qualifications, seems to hold true across many languages. According to this generalization, non-NSLs have the options in 0 as possible I- subjects (some of them only have 0.a) and 0.b)), whereas NSLs have the options in 0 (examples in French and Catalan): (74) I-subjects in non-NSLs: 1 a. empty anaphor: Jean a fait le travail [ DP t ] J. has done the work b. empty anaphor + floating SELF: c. overt anaphor: Jean a fait le travail [ DP t lui-même ] J. has done the work SELF Jean a fait le travail [ DP lui ] J. has done the work himself
(75) I-subjects in NSLs: a. empty pronominal: (En Joan) ha fet la feina [ DP pro ] (The J.) has done the work b. overt pronominal (+plus SELF) c. empty R-expression: d. overt R-expression: (En Joan) ha fet la feina [ DP ell (mateix) ] (The J.) has done the work he (SELF) Qui dius que ho ha fet [ DP t ] Who say-you that it-has done Ha fet la feina [ DP en Joan ] Has done the work Probably we could add to 0 the option: empty pronominal plus a SELF element ([ DP pro SELF ]), which would be available in Russian, Georgian and possibly Romanian. Standard accounts for subject inversion have little to say about this generalization, as far as I know. The next chapter is devoted to deriving this generalization and BG. 1
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Jaume Solà i Pujols Agreement and
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List of errata 1. Most significativ
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Table of contents Acknowledgements.
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4. CP I-subjects and Small Clauses.
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I wish to express my gratitude to t
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Chapter 1 Introduction The present
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1. Aims and Scope of this Thesis Th
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why infinitives in NSLs allow long
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2.2. Subject Inversion Subject inve
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Focus, which suggests this is a Foc
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Thus the examples in 0 seem to indi
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c. Comprarà el menjar en Joan aque
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(10) a. Ha anat a casa en Joan Has
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(13) Passives: a. Han estat posats
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an AP, PP or NP predicate. As befor
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to such a conflict, subject inversi
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degraded constructions when the req
Page 35 and 36: 2.2.5. Floating Quantifiers Koopman
Page 37 and 38: I will adopt the view that FQs unde
Page 39 and 40: 2.4. The Split INFL Hypothesis and
Page 41 and 42: (38) Infinitives: a. No cal (?*semp
Page 43 and 44: Chapter 2 Burzio's Generalization a
Page 45 and 46: In the a. examples we have verbs as
Page 47 and 48: 2. Possible Solutions Based on CHAI
Page 49 and 50: 2.2. CHAINS A solution for the abov
Page 51 and 52: Both examples in 0 involve CHAINS c
Page 53 and 54: - null expletive-inverted subject C
Page 55 and 56: Partitive forces the DP receiving i
Page 57 and 58: 2.4.1. Empirical Problems The theor
Page 59 and 60: 2.4.2. Theoretical Problems Another
Page 61 and 62: (31) SS: Therei came a mani LF: A m
Page 63 and 64: expletive/Argument links as having
Page 65 and 66: (39) BT-status of I-subjects (accor
Page 67 and 68: (44) a. *Ho ha fet en Joan ell (mat
Page 69 and 70: G. it-has done he (SELF) / SE SELF
Page 71 and 72: Spanish (49) Ella misma estaba all
Page 73 and 74: (53) a. sich selbst (SE SELF) (emph
Page 75 and 76: element in the Romance NSLs (lui-m
Page 77 and 78: This suggests that in these languag
Page 79 and 80: analyzable as floating elements? Th
Page 81 and 82: (65) a. Juan mismo lo harà /**Juan
Page 83 and 84: sam/tuiton ]. When they are preverb
Page 85: (72) a. Gianni ha fatto (lui) il la
Page 90 and 91: which we deal with in the next sect
Page 92 and 93: not assigned until S-structure. The
Page 94 and 95: A piece of support for the above hy
Page 96 and 97: Suppose that in both cases no DP is
Page 98 and 99: (12) At D-structure, the obligatory
Page 100 and 101: (14) a. It strikes me that... b. It
Page 102 and 103: (17) a. Sembla que està cansat See
Page 104 and 105: (21) A- Estàs cansat? Are you tire
Page 106 and 107: (or CP) as an alternative to the (p
Page 108 and 109: (30) a. Plou sense PRO semblar que
Page 110 and 111: (32) a. *Em sembla que plogui Me se
Page 112 and 113: (36) Diu que es casen Says that the
Page 114 and 115: contrast with Catalan (and Spanish)
Page 116 and 117: violates some locality condition on
Page 118 and 119: every member of the extended Chain
Page 120 and 121: (45) a. ?*Which book does it seem t
Page 122 and 123: containing a Case conflict. In othe
Page 124 and 125: (51) Spec of AGR is rich iff it is
Page 126 and 127: 0 makes the prediction that T to AG
Page 128 and 129: In Chapter 4 we will use Chain-exte
Page 130 and 131: (59) a. Spec of AGR need not be obl
Page 132 and 133: 2.3.2. Anaphoric Copulative Constru
Page 134 and 135: (63) Yusuf mà huwa nafsuhu J. not
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taking English and Catalan as repre
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(69) Greek: a. O KóstasNom íne [
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(72) [ DP o [ NP eaftós [ tu ] ] ]
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pronominals and it is quite rich. T
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additional requirement of a Case-po
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postverbal subject in 0.c), which c
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(81) a. Com que estava cansat, en J
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(84) a. El cotxe d'en Joani, ell (m
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0.c) is ungrammatical because there
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- FQs, even if generated in A-posit
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(93) At D-structure, AGR must be co
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(97) a. AGR must have an AGR-identi
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(100) ser... [ SC jo el president ]
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Since Binding Theory plays a crucia
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(107) a. There have developed typho
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general view. 92 I will not develop
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(114) No agreement: a. Il y a des e
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(116) If a non-NSL does not show ov
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I think the above evidence is rathe
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(125) a. CPs cannot be (directly) C
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linked to an it-expletive, which do
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(136) a. Où (dis-tu qu') est allé
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particles. 102 The correlation seem
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(139) 6-person paradigm with a pron
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(which is met by Brazilian Portugue
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We have tacitly assumed that in the
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predicted by Rizzi's (1991-b) theor
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Another issue to consider is Chomsk
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Chapter 4 Infinitival Constructions
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section 1.3. 1.1. Parallelism betwe
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(5) a. He tried [ to be himself/*hi
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c. No diu mai la veritat (Catalan)
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allowing 'if'-infinitives: (11) a.
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(15) [ I' V o [ I' [ I o cl I o ] ]
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genitive position. Suppose this NP
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infinitives. 113 This generalizatio
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(21) *John doesn't remember if [ IP
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positions inside the (strict) NP. I
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(25) Votar en Joan, em sembla que n
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We assumed that AGR o is the unmark
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controlled. To obtain this result w
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(32) [ X o AGR o i ] [ AGRP [ PRO P
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(34) Sempre/mai /ja /encara (*en Jo
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'nominal' and 'adverbial' FC head.
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was less fixed (subject to the Tobl
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To the extent these data cast doubt
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enclisis (English, French, Occitan,
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An important question arises here.
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ecome the AGR-identifier, a favored
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This fact should be due to some res
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(54) a. El libro, parece [ IP haber
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As for Occitan, it does apparently
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Chain, so there is no trace in the
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(63) a. Dicitur eos venisse Said-is
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therefore, not a Case-position. The
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(72) Non keljo a vénnere tue Not I
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(74) Fer (???en Joan) la feina (en
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ecause control would be a universal
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should be able to derive the existe
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In order to account for these facts
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2.4.2. IOS with a Subject in Specif
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under a FC: perhaps under T o itsel
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Summing up, Nominative assignment w
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Chapter 5 Preverbal Subjects in NSL
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NSLs are not dislocated must admit
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In fact, the non-dislocated version
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many of the proposals coincide in c
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) CLLD elements: (10) a. *Studenti
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(13) He enviat tres exemplars a qua
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(17) CLLD elements: a. (A) un/algun
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(18) a. 1. *Res (*en Joan) ho ha fe
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To many of-these today not them-hav
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(19) a. 1. A ningú (*crec que) l'h
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0 c. 1. ?A pocs assistents els havi
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2. Nessuno (questa volta) ha passat
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All (this time) have passed the-exa
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Another well-known fact points to t
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the highest FC below CP is (in fini
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(27) In a FC, the AGR component imp
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I will contend that in Romance NSLs
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languages. If so, in 0 en Joan woul
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to V+INFL movement to C o . Since,
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the issue here. 176 The main proble
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The suggestion in d) that non-NSLs
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AGR-less), this position should be
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References Adams, M. (1987) Old Fre
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OTS, Utrecht, pp. 1-7. Everaert, M.
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Larson, R.K. (1991) "Promise and th
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Cambridge, MA. Rizzi, L. (1989-b) O
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