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Jaume Solà i Pujols - Departament de Filologia Catalana ...

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for interpretation, in that it allows 'referential emphasis'. The ec accompanying the floating<br />

element is, however, a an empty anaphor. Therefore, we could argue that a) these floating<br />

elements cannot add referential emphasis to a non-referential DP by S-structure, and b) empty<br />

anaphors, even if bound by a non-referential DP, count as referential.<br />

Thus, it is likely that our initial i<strong>de</strong>a that English has overt anaphoric I-subjects may be<br />

false: a null anaphor is always involved. This fact, however, does not falsify the generalization 0,<br />

which predicts that I-subjects for non-NSLs have to be anaphoric: in those languages, non-null I-<br />

subjects may be anaphoric either as overt anaphors (this is the case in French, as we will see), or<br />

as null anaphors with a floating emphatic element (Germanic languages). In West Flemish, 43 the<br />

claim that the emphatic element is a floating one, and not a full anaphor itself, is even more<br />

obvious than in other Germanic languages, because the SELF element (zelve) is not used in<br />

reflexive constructions (where the reflexive element is zen eigen 'his own' or a weak pronominal<br />

is used). Like in German, zelve is an emphasizer that can be adjoined to a DP:<br />

(61) a. da Jan zelve t-eten gisteren nie gekookt eet<br />

that J. SELF the-food yesterday not cooked has<br />

'... that Jan himself didn't cook the meal yesterday'<br />

b. da Jan t-eten gisteren nie zelve gekookt eet<br />

that J. the food yesterday not SELF cooked has<br />

'... that Jan didn't cook the meal himself yesterday'<br />

Now let us consi<strong>de</strong>r French in the light of the preceding analysis. Are French I-subjects<br />

43 Thanks to L. Haegeman for the examples and the discussion.<br />

Like in other Germanic languages, the floating element zelve in<br />

West Flemish appears not only in a low (VP) position (to the<br />

right of negation and preceding the participle), but in<br />

positions more to the left (thus higher). If it is a floating<br />

element, as we contend, and subject raising is not in one step,<br />

it would be possible for the floating element to be left<br />

floating at any of the intermediate steps, as we suggested for<br />

Danish and other Germanic languages.<br />

1

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