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Jaume Solà i Pujols - Departament de Filologia Catalana ...

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Chain, so there is no trace in the Spec of the infinitival AGR. Rizzi (1982-a) (cited in Burzio<br />

(1986:206) adduces evi<strong>de</strong>nce in favor of the existence of such a trace. Since a trace has to be<br />

(properly) governed, the infinitive cannot be moved, dislocated or, in general, appear outsi<strong>de</strong> the<br />

governing domain of the 'seem' verb, for then the 'seem' verb would not govern the trace (I adapt<br />

the Italian data to Catalan):<br />

(61) *És [ t estar cansat], que en Joan sembla.<br />

Cf. with:<br />

Is to-be tired that the J. seems<br />

'*It's to be tired, that Joan seems'<br />

És [ PRO estar cansat], que en Joan tem<br />

Is to-be tired that the J. fears<br />

'It's being tired that Joan fears'<br />

In our account, if there is no trace, what is the cause for the ungrammaticality of 0? If our<br />

suggestion is correct that an exten<strong>de</strong>d Government-Chain is formed by the union of the V-<br />

movement Chains of the main and infinitival clauses, then it is reasonable that the foot of one<br />

(sub-)Chain has to govern the head of the other. We even suggested that, in Spanish or Catalan,<br />

the lower verb incorporates into the main verb: that would be an even stronger reason for the ill-<br />

formedness of this construction. And even we could suggest that an AGR-i<strong>de</strong>ntifier has to<br />

c-command its I-subject at all levels. Notice that in control structures the main clause AGR is not<br />

the AGR-i<strong>de</strong>ntifier of the embed<strong>de</strong>d I-subject, the control relation being of another nature.<br />

2.3. ECM and 'for' Infinitives<br />

In these constructions, the infinitival Spec of AGR receives Case from the head<br />

governing it, according to the standard analysis:<br />

1

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