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Jaume Solà i Pujols - Departament de Filologia Catalana ...

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un<strong>de</strong>r a FC: perhaps un<strong>de</strong>r T o itself. If this last suggestion was correct, we could even<br />

reformulate the theory another way: only verbal forms which are generated un<strong>de</strong>r T o can raise to<br />

C o to satisfy selectional restrictions involving T o .<br />

In fact, there is a more appealing possibility: let us assume that the T o which can move to<br />

COMP in AUX-to-COMP has to be one not selecting an event:<br />

- Modals select a proposition which would take the form of an infinitive.<br />

- As for compound-tense auxiliaries, even if the clause contains an eventful VP, the<br />

auxiliary does not carry the Tense interpretation for the event itself, but rather the tense<br />

interpretation for the reference time (At five o'clocki, John had-Ti already finished-Tj), which is<br />

not eventful itself. 147<br />

- As for copulas, it is har<strong>de</strong>r to contend that they do not select an event, if the predicate is<br />

stage-level (see Kratzer (1988)), unless we assume that some (meaningful) FC intervenes<br />

between the copula and the stage-level Small Clause.<br />

These are rather speculative consi<strong>de</strong>rations. I leave the issue here.<br />

We can assume that AUX-to-COMP in Portuguese is licenced in a similar way. The<br />

obvious difference between AUX-to-COMP in Italian and in Portuguese is that in the latter AGR<br />

is morphologically present. Our theory predicts, if nothing else is said, that inflected infinitives<br />

are essentially like finite clauses as far as AGR and subjects are concerned. In fact, as shown by<br />

Raposo (1987-b), there are many restrictions on the distribution of infinitival overt AGR. We<br />

cannot address the issue here. The optimal situation for our theory would be that these<br />

restrictions are the result of the interaction of factors other than AGR, such as:<br />

COMP).<br />

- the AUX-to-COMP trigger (which we have assumed is ('event-less') T o raising to<br />

147 See, e.g., Giorgi (1992) for an implementation of the<br />

i<strong>de</strong>a that in compound tenses the Reference time and the Event<br />

time are expressed in different positions in the syntactic<br />

structure.<br />

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