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Jaume Solà i Pujols - Departament de Filologia Catalana ...

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(76) a. How is Nominative assigned to the I-subject in IOS-INV?<br />

b. What makes referential pro possible in IOS-INV?<br />

Let us start with 0.a). In the present theory, the most natural assumption is that<br />

Nominative is assigned by government directly to the I-subject, in a way similar to Nominative<br />

assignment in finite clauses. This is a <strong>de</strong>sirable prospect if we want to account for the fact that<br />

IOS's with an inverted subject are, as far as I know, restricted to NSLs, which have subject<br />

inversion in finite clauses.<br />

In Chapter 3 we conten<strong>de</strong>d that direct Case assignment to the I-subject is a consequence<br />

of AGR o being rich and becoming thus the AGR-i<strong>de</strong>ntifier, plus the proposal that it is the AGR-<br />

i<strong>de</strong>ntifier which has to provi<strong>de</strong> the I-subject with Case: if the AGR-i<strong>de</strong>ntifier is AGR o it has to<br />

Case-mark the I-subject by head-governing it. In this Chapter we have conten<strong>de</strong>d that infinitival<br />

AGR o can end up being the AGR-i<strong>de</strong>ntifier if some configuration allows it to be rich: either<br />

PRO o incorporation (in control structures) or, in raising structures, coin<strong>de</strong>xation with the upper<br />

AGR (possibly involving incorporation). In IOS's, however, there is no apparent non-ad-hoc<br />

<strong>de</strong>vice by which the infinitival AGR o could end up being rich.<br />

Let us first speculate on some theoretical basis for accounting for the facts which is<br />

consistent with the present theory. Our account for finite AGR in Chapter 3 is based on the<br />

assumptions that AGR is present and has to be licenced (by having an I-subject, providing Case<br />

to it and being rich in features). In this chapter we have <strong>de</strong>veloped the i<strong>de</strong>a that AGR is also<br />

present in infinitives and, therefore, there must be some means to make the AGR satisfy the same<br />

requirements, provi<strong>de</strong>d everything follows from control, raising or ECM legitimate structures.<br />

Suppose, however, we assume that, since infinitives are morphologically silent in AGR<br />

content, AGR is only optionally present. Then no infinitive has to have an AGR in principle.<br />

What <strong>de</strong>termines the presence of AGR when it is morphologically silent? Let us explore some<br />

possibilities.<br />

1<br />

In the case of lexically <strong>de</strong>termined control, infinitives would be forced to have AGR

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