Jaume Solà i Pujols - Departament de Filologia Catalana ...

therefore, not a Case-position. The proposal in Kayne (1981) and Rizzi (1982-b) that in 0 and 0
the main verb Case-marks the trace of the Wh-phrase in COMP does not contradict this claim.
French, even if allowed to have ECM, does not happen to. I leave the question here.
2.4. Infinitives with an Overt Subject
What I will call infinitives with overt subjects (IOSs) should be clarified: we have seen
that both control and rasing infinitives do have overt I-subjects of a [±anaphoric] restricted nature
(depending on the (non-)NSL status) and, for NSLs, of a [±pronominal] nature (depending on the
whether there is control or raising). I will use the term IOS to name only those infinitives that
allow an overt subject in a way not predictable from control or raising. Romance languages show
a variety of them:
- AUX-to-COMP infinitives in Italian and Portuguese: 136
(66) Ritengo non esser lui in grado di farti niente
I-believe not to-be he in a position to do-you nothing
'I believe him not to be able to do anything to you'
(67) Penso terem os deputados trabalhado um pouquinho
Catalan):
I-think to-have-3pl the deputies worked a little-bit
'I think the MPs finally worked just a little bit'
- Non-subcategorized prepositional infinitives in Catalan and Spanish (examples from
136 See Rizzi (1982-b)/(1986) and Raposo (1987-b).
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