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North Korean House of Cards

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The Tenth SPA convened in Pyongyang on September 5, 1998. It had three<br />

items on its agenda: 1) revise the <strong>North</strong> <strong>Korean</strong> Constitution; 2) re-elect Kim Jong-il<br />

Chairman <strong>of</strong> the NDC; and 3) appoint <strong>of</strong>ficials to posts throughout the government.<br />

Although not described as such, the meeting ushered in a new ruling<br />

structure under Kim Jong-il.<br />

The revised constitution made Kim Il-sung the eternal President (Ju-seok) <strong>of</strong><br />

<strong>North</strong> Korea, 268 ending speculation on when his son would succeed him to this<br />

highest post. Instead, Kim Jong-il chose to continue the pattern established in 1992<br />

<strong>of</strong> concentrating authority in the NDC. The new structure left little doubt that the<br />

NDC was Kim Jong-il’s organizational base from which to implement “Military<br />

First” (Songun) politics. The NDC was elevated to the highest state body and the<br />

position <strong>of</strong> NDC Chairman to the highest position in government. 269 Many<br />

Pyongyang-watchers considered the status <strong>of</strong> the NDC Chairman to be as high as<br />

that <strong>of</strong> the Politburo. Kim Jong-il issued directives in the name <strong>of</strong> the NDC over the<br />

years, displaying its power.<br />

The NDC assumed the responsibility for the defense and security <strong>of</strong> the<br />

country. Its members managed military affairs, the defense industry, and internal<br />

security. However, the emergence <strong>of</strong> the NDC as the highest body <strong>of</strong> state authority<br />

did not signify, as many thought, the creation <strong>of</strong> an <strong>of</strong>ficial policymaking body to<br />

replace the defunct Party Politburo. No evidence, either through defector channels<br />

or in grey literature, suggests that the NDC ever met as a collective decision-making<br />

body. At most, instructions occasionally came down to the close aide network under<br />

the title “NDC Chairman’s Order,” which suggested that Kim Jong-il used NDC<br />

membership as a coordinating mechanism for particular national security related issues.<br />

268 “Kim Chong-il Inherits ‘Great Leader’ Title,” JoongAng Ilbo, September 7, 1998. Thae abolition<br />

<strong>of</strong> the presidency did not mean the removal <strong>of</strong> the three Vice Presidents (Ri Jong-ok, Pak Songchol,<br />

and Kim Yong-ju) from the leadership. Instead, they were appointed honorary Vice Chairmen <strong>of</strong><br />

the SPA Standing Committee, which signaled their withdrawal from front-line political affairs.<br />

269 Kim Yong-nam, “Achieving Ultimate Victory <strong>of</strong> Juch’e Revolutionary Cause While Highly<br />

Enshrining Beloved and Respected Comrade Kim Jong Il at Top Place <strong>of</strong> State Is Firm Resolve <strong>of</strong> Party<br />

Members, <strong>Korean</strong> People’s Army Servicemen, and People,” Minju Joson, April 10, 2009. Kim Yongnam<br />

described the chairmanship <strong>of</strong> the NDC as being “the highest rank <strong>of</strong> the state,” responsible for<br />

commanding politics, defense, and the economy, and as being a “sacred position signifying the dignity<br />

<strong>of</strong> the state.”<br />

Committee for Human Rights in <strong>North</strong> Korea<br />

126

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