North Korean House of Cards

of the military. More than that of any other figure, Choe’s status was
catapulted at the Fourth Party Conference, when he moved up the
formal leadership rankings from 18th to fourth. Already an alternate
member of the Politburo since the 2010 Third Party Conference, as
well as the KWP Secretary for Military Affairs, Choe was further
elevated to the Politburo Presidium. 94 He also became Vice Chairman
of the CMC. Although he lacks military experience, Choe was Vice
Marshal and Director of the GPB, 95 the Party’s surveillance organ
within the armed forces. 96 Choe apparently had a direct channel to
Kim Jong-un; his reports were not subject to vetting by Jang Song-taek.
While the relationship between Choe and Jang was unclear, 97,98 Kim
Jong-un, with Kim Kyong-hui’s assistance, could have played the two
against each other in order to expand his own power and influence
within the inner core of the regime.
Korean founder Kim Il-sung during the early years of the anti-Japanese guerrilla movement. He later served
as North Korea’s Defense Minister. Choe Hyun’s family is known as a “family of loyalty” in North Korea.
94 In March 2015, evidence appeared in North Korean media that Choe Ryong-hae had lost his
position on the Politburo Presidium. In a report by KCBS on an event celebrating International Women’s
Day that was held in Pyongyang on March 8, 2015, Choe Ryong-hae was referred to as just a member
of Politburo. In mid-February, personnel matters were discussed at an expanded meeting of the Politburo.
At that time, Choe was either demoted, or it is possible the Politburo Presidium was abolished. See “Choe
Ryong-hae, Close Aide to Kim Jong-un, Possibly Demoted to Only Member of Party Politburo,” Kyodo
Clue IV, March 8, 2015.
95 Choe had effectively become the regime’s top military authority after Kim Jong-un.
96 According to the factionalism theory discussed above, the KWP OGD and the military high
command allowed Choe’s appointment out of respect for Kim Jong-il’s wishes and the strong relationship
that once existed between Kim Il-sung and Choe’s father. His appointment also took place during the
period when the moderate faction was gaining influence within the regime.
97 Author’s interviews in Seoul, April 2013.
98 Lee Mi-Young and Park Seong-Guk, “Defector Claims Jang-Choi in Military Battle,” Daily
NK, July 5, 2013, http://www.dailynk.com/english/m/read.php?cataId=nk00400&num=10708. The
relationship between Choe Ryong-hae and Jang Song-taek was the subject of much debate within the
South Korean Pyongyang-watching community. Some believed that close ties between the two from their
days in the Kim Il-sung Socialist Youth League created a bond that continued. They pointed to the fact
that Choe was demoted from his position around the same time that Jang Song-taek disappeared from
public view in 2004. Choe also re-emerged upon Jang’s return to prominence. Others believed that Choe
was closer to Kim Kyong-hui than to Jang Song-taek and that Kim used Choe to keep her husband in
check. They argued that Jang used his ties with the high command to undermine Choe and keep him
politically unbalanced.
Committee for Human Rights in North Korea
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