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North Korean House of Cards

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afforded Jang the opportunity to meet with the Chinese leadership and forge relations<br />

that later became suspect to those closest to Kim Jong-un.<br />

In the following years, Jang was portrayed by international media as a<br />

proponent <strong>of</strong> free markets and the <strong>of</strong>ficial responsible for implementing Kim Jong-il’s<br />

second phase <strong>of</strong> economic reform. 105 However, this optimism gradually faded. Jang<br />

was linked to even more drastic measures to restrict markets, such as banning private<br />

hiring and tightening age and gender restrictions on those who could participate in<br />

market activity. 106 By 2009, he was considered a proponent <strong>of</strong> a constricted economic<br />

policy that stress ed social stability. 107 His meager reform goals were focused on the<br />

SEZs along the border with China where he could conduct any number <strong>of</strong> hard<br />

currency operations that fed into his growing empire. 108<br />

Jang’s wife, Kim Kyong-hui, reappeared in public in 2009 after a long hiatus.<br />

This not only signaled that the forthcoming succession would be handled by the<br />

Kim family, but it also created the space for Jang to enhance his own power at the<br />

expense <strong>of</strong> his rivals. As Kim Jong-il began to rely more on Jang Song-taek in the<br />

aftermath <strong>of</strong> his stroke in 2008, Jang was able to expand his patronage system and<br />

tie it into his ever-expanding hard currency operations. This was made clear in early<br />

2010, when Jang took on the currency operations <strong>of</strong> his rival O Kuk-ryol by creating<br />

a trading firm called the Korea Daepung Group. 109 His growing power and influence<br />

manifested with the deaths <strong>of</strong> his two principal rivals in the OGD, Ri Je-gang and<br />

Ri Yong-chol, both <strong>of</strong> whom passed away in 2010 on the eve <strong>of</strong> Jang’s elevation to<br />

Vice Chairman <strong>of</strong> the NDC. 110<br />

105 Seo Jae-Jin, “Significance <strong>of</strong> Jang Song-taek’s Visit to China,” Korea Institute for National<br />

Unification: Online Series 06, No. 3 (March 31, 2006).<br />

106 Choi Jin-Wook, “The Changing Party-State System and Outlook for Reform in <strong>North</strong> Korea,”<br />

International Journal <strong>of</strong> <strong>Korean</strong> Unification Studies 18, No. 1 (2009). Choi Jin-wook is the current acting<br />

Director <strong>of</strong> KINU.<br />

107 Park Hyeong-Jung, “<strong>North</strong> <strong>Korean</strong> Conservative Policy Since 2006 and Jang Song-taek:<br />

Looking at 2009,” Korea Institute for National Unification: Online Series 08, No. 72 (December 23, 2008).<br />

108 Following Kim Jong-il’s death and Kim Jong-un’s announcement <strong>of</strong> the June economic<br />

measures in 2012, many began to re-evaluate where Jang stood on reform. Maybe he was a closet reformer.<br />

The view <strong>of</strong> his desire to use his relationship with China to increase his own power did not change.<br />

109 Lee Young-Jong, “O Kuk Ryol, Who Returned Around the Time <strong>of</strong> Jang Song Taek’s<br />

Downfall,” Korea JoongAng Daily, December 25, 2013.<br />

110 Ri Yong-chol died on April 27, 2010 <strong>of</strong> a heart attack. Ri Je-gang died a little over a month<br />

later on June 2, 2010 in a mysterious car accident. Jang Song-taek was promoted to Vice Chairman <strong>of</strong><br />

the NDC on June 7, 2010.<br />

Committee for Human Rights in <strong>North</strong> Korea<br />

48

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