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North Korean House of Cards

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2009 from Chief <strong>of</strong> the GSD to Commander <strong>of</strong> the Fourth Corps, one month after<br />

Kim Jong-un was announced as heir apparent within the <strong>North</strong> <strong>Korean</strong> leadership.<br />

Nevertheless, Kim Kyok-sik oversaw the operations tied to the heir apparent’s rise<br />

to power. From his position as Commander <strong>of</strong> the Western Front, Kim Kyok-sik<br />

may have played a role in both the sinking <strong>of</strong> the Cheonan and the shelling <strong>of</strong><br />

Yeonpyeong Island. The first event was critical to the succession and the second was<br />

designed to bolster Kim Jong-un’s credentials as a military leader. 37 Between these<br />

two events, he was made an alternate member <strong>of</strong> the KWP Central Committee at<br />

the Third Party Conference in September 2010. In November 2011, he returned<br />

to the GSD as Vice Chief. According to defector sources, following Kim Jong-il’s<br />

death, he also moved into Kim Jong-un’s Personal Secretariat as a military advisor, a<br />

position he held until taking over the MPAF. 38 At the Central Committee Plenum<br />

and SPA in 2013, he was made an alternate member <strong>of</strong> the Politburo and a member<br />

<strong>of</strong> the NDC.<br />

As noted above, the reshuffle extended beyond the military leadership<br />

to include senior <strong>of</strong>ficers responsible for internal security. Kim Won-hong’s rise<br />

through the ranks began shortly after Kim Jong-un’s designation as heir apparent.<br />

In February 2009, Kim Won-hong, the previous Commander <strong>of</strong> the Military<br />

Security Command (MSC), became the Director <strong>of</strong> the Organization Bureau <strong>of</strong><br />

the KPA General Political Department (GPD) as part <strong>of</strong> Kim Jong-il’s plan to build<br />

support for his successor within the military elites. At the Third Party Conference,<br />

he was appointed to the KWP CMC. On the eve <strong>of</strong> the Fourth Party Conference,<br />

Kim Won-hong was identified as the Director <strong>of</strong> State Security (Minister <strong>of</strong><br />

State Security). 39 At this Party Conference and the subsequent SPA meeting, Kim<br />

Won-hong became a full member <strong>of</strong> the Politburo and a member <strong>of</strong> the NDC. 40<br />

In 2013, appointments to the military and security leadership took an<br />

unexpected and complicated turn. Officers who had just emerged in key positions in<br />

2012 were replaced. Kim Jong-un and his regents reorganized the military leadership,<br />

bringing a mix <strong>of</strong> trusted <strong>of</strong>ficers and a new generation to the forefront <strong>of</strong> the high<br />

37 While it was the prevailing view among Pyongyang-watchers that Kim Kyok-sik had<br />

knowledge <strong>of</strong> the operational planning regarding the sinking <strong>of</strong> the Cheonan, there is little evidence<br />

to suggest that he had direct operational involvement. At most, he was aware <strong>of</strong> the operation in<br />

order to respond to any South <strong>Korean</strong> retaliation. The operation itself was most likely overseen by the<br />

Reconnaissance General Bureau (RGB).<br />

38 Author’s interview in Seoul, April 2013.<br />

39 Kim Won-hong’s appointment as head <strong>of</strong> the SSD was significant because <strong>North</strong> <strong>Korean</strong><br />

media had previously avoided publicly identifying the <strong>of</strong>ficial in charge <strong>of</strong> the secret police.<br />

40 Author’s interviews in Seoul, 2012 and 2013. According to some sources, Kim Won-hong’s<br />

exponential rise is due to the influence <strong>of</strong> Kim Kyong-hui, not Kim Jong-un. His role within the internal<br />

security apparatus suggests Jang Song-taek’s influence as well.<br />

Committee for Human Rights in <strong>North</strong> Korea<br />

32

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