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North Korean House of Cards

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States targeted with vigorous sanctions, which led to a fundamental restructuring <strong>of</strong><br />

many <strong>of</strong> the entities tied to this network in the early 2000s. 408<br />

A critical part <strong>of</strong> this apparatus was Office 99, which was responsible for<br />

executing the Central Committee’s weapons acquisition and trade initiatives. 409<br />

This <strong>of</strong>fice was established in 1981 at the direction <strong>of</strong> Kim Il-sung and placed<br />

under Division 5 <strong>of</strong> the KWP MID. It was divided into at least four sub-bureaus:<br />

production and planning, transportation, facilities, and commerce and banking.<br />

Defector testimony suggests that it coordinated closely with the SEC to facilitate<br />

exports. Indeed, Kim Min-su, who worked in Office 99, claimed that the bureau’s<br />

leadership was also part <strong>of</strong> the SEC, at least through the early 1990s, when the top<br />

<strong>of</strong>ficer in the bureau concurrently held the post <strong>of</strong> Deputy Chief <strong>of</strong> the SEC.<br />

Office 99 also had strong ties to Kim Jong-il’s Personal Secretariat. His<br />

daughter, Kim Sol-song, was reportedly a prominent figure in Office 99 in the<br />

1980s and 1990s. 410 In addition, Office 38 was the parent organization <strong>of</strong> Office<br />

99’s primary bank, the Changgwang Credit Bank. As weapons sales and acquisitions<br />

became increasingly lucrative and important in the 1980s and 1990s, Kim Jong-il<br />

authorized a channel <strong>of</strong> communication between Office 99 and Offices 38 and 39 in<br />

order to tie this part <strong>of</strong> the defense-industrial complex to the Royal Economy.<br />

On the sales side, Office 39 took the lead. In the hubs where it facilitated<br />

its other activities, Office 39’s agents established <strong>of</strong>fices dedicated to the front end<br />

<strong>of</strong> defense sales. 411 According to sources in the region, one <strong>of</strong> the more active <strong>of</strong>fices<br />

operated out <strong>of</strong> Macau with responsibility for sales in Southeast Asia, the Middle<br />

East, South Asia, and Africa. 412 Initial meetings were held between the agents and<br />

potential buyers. Once a general agreement was reached, the agents would connect<br />

the buyers to Pyongyang through an established channel that existed between Office<br />

39 and Office 99. This would then lead to meetings in Pyongyang where potential<br />

buyers would be allowed to view the merchandise and a final price would be agreed<br />

on. Once the sale was completed, a portion <strong>of</strong> the proceeds would be channeled<br />

408 Lee Beom-Jin, “Torpedo that Attacked Cheonan was Export Weapon <strong>of</strong> <strong>North</strong> Korea’s Green<br />

Pine Association,” Weekly Chosun, 10-24 August 2010. In the 2007 to 2009 timeframe, the architecture<br />

supporting weapons sales was changed due to the sanctions regime. The “Green Pine Association” was<br />

created as a weapons export company to replace KOMID and was placed under the RGB in 2009. By<br />

2010, it was handling over fifty percent <strong>of</strong> the total volume <strong>of</strong> <strong>North</strong> <strong>Korean</strong> weapons sales overseas. A<br />

percentage <strong>of</strong> each sale was transferred from the RGB into Kim Jong-il’s “revolutionary fund.”<br />

409 “Iran-DPRK Missile Cooperation, Role <strong>of</strong> Office No. 99” (Tokyo: Japan Policy Institute,<br />

February 7, 2008).<br />

410 Interview with senior <strong>North</strong> <strong>Korean</strong> defector, 2013 and 2014.<br />

411 Interview with Pyongyang-watchers in South Korea and Japan who focus on <strong>North</strong> Korea’s<br />

illicit networks.<br />

412 Ibid.<br />

Ken E. Gause<br />

191

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