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North Korean House of Cards

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constraints established by his father and grandfather that the system imposes. 317<br />

How eager he is to challenge some <strong>of</strong> these constraints remains unclear. 318 His<br />

decision to reveal the failure <strong>of</strong> the Unha-3 missile test in April 2012 may have been<br />

his own decision or could have resulted from the fact that he listened to advisors<br />

who advocated for transparency, given the unprecedented openness leading up to<br />

the launch. 319 Other reports describe Kim as a spontaneous decision maker who is<br />

quick to anger. The story <strong>of</strong> Ri Yong-ho’s removal during a Politburo meeting fits<br />

this personality pr<strong>of</strong>ile.<br />

Image 19: Kim Jong-un delivers his first public address in Kim Il-sung Square on the<br />

100th anniversary <strong>of</strong> his grandfather’s birth. (Source: KCTV)<br />

317 This observation is based on a series <strong>of</strong> interviews the author conducted with Pyongyang-watchers<br />

in Seoul in April 2013. There were some who hold the opposite view that Kim Jong-un<br />

lacks an understanding <strong>of</strong> boundaries and is enamored with the power his position affords him.<br />

318 “Is Kim Jong-un Throttling Back Personality Cult?,” The Chosun Ilbo, July 8, 2013. There is<br />

some debate within Pyongyang-watching circles over whether Kim Jong-un’s cult <strong>of</strong> personality has begun<br />

inside <strong>North</strong> Korea. Some media reports said that Kim Jong-un badges were spotted in Pyongyang in<br />

May 2013, worn by members <strong>of</strong> the elite. Later reports suggested that this may not be the case. Sources<br />

at the border village <strong>of</strong> Panmunjom alleged that Kim Jong-un prohibited the production <strong>of</strong> such badges.<br />

The South <strong>Korean</strong> delegation to the inter-<strong>Korean</strong> talks in July 2013 did not spot them on their <strong>North</strong><br />

<strong>Korean</strong> counterparts. Instead, according to <strong>North</strong> <strong>Korean</strong> sources, the delegation wore pins featuring Kim<br />

Il-sung or both Kim Il-sung and Kim Jong-il, but no badges with only Kim Jong-un’s face on them. In<br />

2015, the South <strong>Korean</strong> media reported that the <strong>North</strong> was manufacturing badges showing the faces <strong>of</strong><br />

Kim Il-sung, Kim Jong-il, and Kim Jong-un together to mark the 70th anniversary <strong>of</strong> the Workers’ Party<br />

on October 10, 2015. “N. <strong>Korean</strong>s To Wear New Kim Jong Un Badges,” The Korea Times, July 8, 2015.<br />

319 Ahn Jong-Sik, “Time to Take a Step Back on <strong>North</strong> Korea,” Daily NK, February 8, 2014.<br />

According to Ahn, decision-making in the Kim Jong-un era has been characterized by an air <strong>of</strong> improvisation<br />

and immaturity. In April 2012, at the time <strong>of</strong> the long-range missile launch, Pyongyang invited<br />

foreign reporters to view the launch site and watch the rocket launch, but prevented them from viewing<br />

the event on the day <strong>of</strong>. Then, having raised tensions in March and April 2013, Kim completely reversed<br />

direction in May and began an over-the-top diplomatic charm <strong>of</strong>fensive. These, and other events, such<br />

as the sporadic family reunions, have led many in Washington and Seoul to conclude that Kim and the<br />

<strong>North</strong> <strong>Korean</strong> leadership lack a strategic plan and are driven by short-term tactical considerations primarily<br />

tied to internal pressures.<br />

Committee for Human Rights in <strong>North</strong> Korea<br />

148

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