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North Korean House of Cards

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On the surface, the trip was a success. According to the Chinese Ministry<br />

<strong>of</strong> Commerce, both sides made progress on setting up developmental guidelines<br />

and systems for the promotion <strong>of</strong> projects. They also announced the formation<br />

<strong>of</strong> management committees for the two zones. A deal was signed on forming an<br />

economic, technological, and agricultural alliance; operation and management <strong>of</strong><br />

the committees; power supply; and establishment <strong>of</strong> a company in the Rason zone.<br />

What was not mentioned in the press was the secret reason for Jang’s trip.<br />

Kim Jong-il’s will implies that for a successful transfer <strong>of</strong> power, Kim Jong-un<br />

would need access to regime funds to build his patronage system. It calls for all Kim<br />

family funds, both domestic and international, to be placed under Kim Kyong-hui’s<br />

control, presumably until Kim Jong-un was ready to take over management himself.<br />

Chinese authorities had reportedly frozen approximately $1.7 billion <strong>of</strong> the Kim<br />

family’s funds that were allegedly in banks in Hong Kong, Macau, Shanghai, and<br />

Guangzhou. Kim Kyong-hui and Kim Jong-un instructed Jang Song-taek to use his<br />

connections with the Chinese leadership to unfreeze the funds and transfer them to<br />

Kim family accounts inside <strong>North</strong> Korea.<br />

According to sources inside China, Jang Song-taek failed to secure these<br />

funds. Beyond the reason that his request was denied by China’s leaders, two rumors<br />

for why he was unsuccessful have emerged in defector circles. 131 The first suggests<br />

that Jang had entered into an agreement with Chinese authorities to withhold the<br />

funds, forcing the <strong>North</strong> <strong>Korean</strong> regime to embrace Chinese-style economic reforms.<br />

Furthermore, Jang sent a letter to the Chinese leadership in 2013, explaining his<br />

desire to be an agent for change, gradually shifting power away from the KWP to the<br />

Cabinet. The letter was intercepted by the SSD and was included in the investigation<br />

report on Jang as evidence that he had established a confidential liaison with China<br />

outside the purview <strong>of</strong> the Supreme Leader. Sources point to Jang’s indictment that<br />

accuses him <strong>of</strong> “anti-Party and anti-revolutionary acts” as a veiled reference to his<br />

attempts to co-opt the political process and set himself up as the de facto Premier. 132<br />

131 Discussion with defector in Seoul who has close ties to Korea-watchers in China, May 2014.<br />

According to one Chinese source close to Hu Jintao, the Chinese leadership’s view was that Jang’s power<br />

in August 2012 was not as pr<strong>of</strong>ound as it once was. He was seen as a messenger, not a power broker. If<br />

this is true, it lends credence to the theory that his fate had been sealed much earlier in 2011 when Kim<br />

entrusted his will to his sister, Kim Kyong-hui, despite Jang’s dramatic rise in status following Kim<br />

Jong-il’s death.<br />

132 “Exclusive: Jang Song-thaek was executed following his letter to Chinese leadership,” New<br />

Focus International, June 30, 2014. In the letter, Jang reasoned that “Kim Il-sung ruled through a<br />

government overseen by the Premier and Cabinet in order to develop the nation’s light industry and<br />

agriculture, while maintaining the military industry as top priority.” Jang reportedly eschewed the idea<br />

that he wanted to replace Kim Jong-un. On the contrary, he explained that he wanted to develop the<br />

Ken E. Gause<br />

55

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