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North Korean House of Cards

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ally <strong>of</strong> the OGD against Jang, and the airing <strong>of</strong> the documentary <strong>of</strong> Ri’s book on<br />

KCTV. 275 In 2014, five months after Jang’s downfall, Hwang Pyong-so, an OGD First<br />

Vice Director, assumed control <strong>of</strong> the military’s most powerful agency, the GPB.<br />

The argument that the Pyongyang-watching community must resolve in order<br />

to understand the nature <strong>of</strong> the system is whether or not this elevation <strong>of</strong> the OGD’s<br />

status has translated into decision-making power. Proponents <strong>of</strong> the theory that Kim<br />

Jong-un is a puppet argue that the Suryong’s word was law under Kim Il-sung and<br />

Kim Jong-il. It was enough to ensure that orders were executed and enforced. They<br />

argue that Kim Jong-un does not command the same authority. Policy decisions are<br />

ultimately made at enlarged Politburo meetings. Real power has transferred to the<br />

OGD, which ensures policies are carried out. It is even suggested that an OGD “mafia”<br />

may guide the decision-making process by lobbying its own agenda. 276<br />

In all likelihood, the reality is much more complex. To suggest that Kim<br />

Jong-un is a puppet ignores many <strong>of</strong> the tenets <strong>of</strong> the system that remain even if one<br />

Supreme Leader has died and been replaced by a weaker heir. On the other hand, to<br />

suggest that Kim Jong-un is able to assume the mantle <strong>of</strong> power that his father held,<br />

to say nothing <strong>of</strong> his grandfather, sells short those aspects <strong>of</strong> legitimacy that the<br />

Suryong must earn. This is a position that he must grow into.<br />

While the absolute truth on leadership dynamics inside <strong>North</strong> Korea is<br />

not possible to determine at this time, certain assumptions can be drawn from the<br />

regime’s political culture and the public events surrounding Kim Jong-un. One<br />

assumption is that Kim Jong-un is the ultimate decision-maker in a system that can<br />

only function with one leader at the top from whom all legitimacy and power<br />

flow. Along these lines, Kim Jong-un may have become the Control Tower with the<br />

purge <strong>of</strong> Jang Song-taek. His personal apparatus <strong>of</strong> power must grow in order to allow<br />

the Supreme Leader to fulfill this role. 277 Instead <strong>of</strong> being a puppet, Kim Jong-un<br />

is an inexperienced leader who must take advantage <strong>of</strong> a leadership infrastructure<br />

placed around him by his father to grow into his role as Supreme Leader. Once he has<br />

achieved this, he will fully consolidate his power.<br />

It can also be assumed that, following the purge <strong>of</strong> Jang Song-taek, the<br />

wider leadership is frozen in place. 278 It is locked in step behind the Supreme<br />

275 Park Hyeong-Jung, “The Purge <strong>of</strong> Jang Song-taek and the Competition for Regency During the<br />

Power Succession,” Korea Institute for National Unification: Online Series 14, No. 3 (February 27, 2014).<br />

276 “Kim Jong-un: <strong>North</strong> Korea’s Supreme Leader or State Puppet?” The Guardian, May 27, 2014.<br />

This article provides a useful overview <strong>of</strong> the theories about how <strong>North</strong> Korea is ruled.<br />

277 See the next chapter for an examination <strong>of</strong> Kim’s Personal Secretariat and apparatus <strong>of</strong> power.<br />

278 The phrase “frozen in place” does not mean that the maneuvering and struggles for influence<br />

have ceased within court politics around Kim Jong-un. Instead, it refers to the dose <strong>of</strong> caution that has<br />

been injected into those dynamics. Individual leaders continue to promote themselves around the Su-<br />

Ken E. Gause<br />

129

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