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North Korean House of Cards

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a. Kim Jong-il’s Will<br />

In 2012, defector sources secured copies <strong>of</strong> Kim Jong-il’s last will and<br />

testament. 129 He dictated his will to his daughter, Kim Sol-song, and shared it with<br />

his sister and executor <strong>of</strong> the will, Kim Kyong-hui, in the months before his death. 130<br />

In his will, Kim Jong-il outlined policy prescriptions that Kim Jong-un, his successor,<br />

should adhere to. These prescriptions covered everything from domestic and foreign<br />

policy to internal Kim family relations. Within the wishes Kim put forth for his<br />

family, he stressed that Kim Jong-un should put his trust in Kim Kyong-hui and his<br />

half-sister, Kim Sol-song. He also urged that Kim Jong-nam be left alone and not<br />

targeted or harassed by the regime. Jang Song-taek is not mentioned, although the<br />

will warns against sectarianism arising from powerful elements within the Party.<br />

According to defector sources, Kim Jong-il held a series <strong>of</strong> private conversations<br />

with his sister and executor <strong>of</strong> his will, Kim Kyong-hui. He warned her that<br />

Jang’s continued presence at the pinnacle <strong>of</strong> power would eventually threaten Kim<br />

family rule. While he apparently did not provide a deadline for dealing with Jang,<br />

he noted that Jang would eventually become a second center <strong>of</strong> power if nothing<br />

was done. This would not only undermine the Supreme Leader’s position, but could<br />

also make the Kim family irrelevant within the wider leadership.<br />

Thus, from the onset <strong>of</strong> the Kim Jong-un era, Jang Song-taek’s fate was not a<br />

matter <strong>of</strong> if, but a matter <strong>of</strong> when. It did not take long for Kim Kyong-hui and Kim<br />

Jong-un to become suspicious about Jang’s motivations.<br />

b. Jang’s Ill-Fated Trip to China<br />

On August 13, 2012, Jang Song-taek arrived in China on a hastily organized<br />

trip. He was the highest ranking <strong>North</strong> <strong>Korean</strong> <strong>of</strong>ficial to visit Beijing since Kim<br />

Jong-il in May 2011, when Jang accompanied him. The <strong>of</strong>ficial reason for the trip<br />

was to attend the third session <strong>of</strong> the joint <strong>North</strong> Korea-China Guidance Committee<br />

on the development and management <strong>of</strong> the Rajin-Sonbong economic and trade<br />

zone and the Hwanggeumpyeong-Wihwa SEZ.<br />

129 It should be stressed that at the time <strong>of</strong> this writing, analysis <strong>of</strong> various copies <strong>of</strong> the will is<br />

still underway and debate continues over whether they are authentic.<br />

130 Lee Yun-Keol, The Contents <strong>of</strong> Kim Jong-il’s Will: The Blueprint <strong>of</strong> Kim Jong-un’s Regime and<br />

Possibility <strong>of</strong> Change (Seoul: NKSIS, 2012). One source <strong>of</strong> Kim Jong-il’s will is Lee Yun-Keol, a highpr<strong>of</strong>ile<br />

<strong>North</strong> <strong>Korean</strong> defector and head <strong>of</strong> the NK Strategic Information Service Center (NKSIS), a<br />

Seoul-based think tank. In April 2013, the author held interviews with NKSIS and other defector sources<br />

on various aspects <strong>of</strong> the will.<br />

Committee for Human Rights in <strong>North</strong> Korea<br />

54

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