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North Korean House of Cards

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a. Key Advisors<br />

The purge <strong>of</strong> Jang Song-taek and the dissolution <strong>of</strong> the regent structure<br />

have increased the political space around Kim Jong-un, which has been filled<br />

by a handful <strong>of</strong> rising individuals. Best described as key advisors, these leaders<br />

<strong>of</strong>ten accompany the Supreme Leader. In addition to their formal positions, they<br />

most likely enjoy further influence by virtue <strong>of</strong> their proximity. This influence<br />

sometimes manifests when they are ranked above their cohorts on recent funeral<br />

committee lists, which Pyongyang-watchers use to identify the formal leadership<br />

ranking within the regime. 199<br />

Ironically, it is at this level where much <strong>of</strong> the turmoil within the leadership<br />

ranks has occurred in 2015. In February, the international media claimed that<br />

Pyon In-son, chief <strong>of</strong> the General Staff’s Operations Bureau was purged, allegedly<br />

for disregarding or taking exception to Kim Jong-un’s orders.. 200, 201 This was not<br />

confirmed in the <strong>North</strong> <strong>Korean</strong> press other than they were no longer highlighted as<br />

being part <strong>of</strong> Kim Jong-un’s retinue during guidance inspections. In May 2015, the<br />

NIS claimed that it had intelligence that Hyon Yong-chol, the Minister <strong>of</strong> People’s<br />

199 The question many Pyongyang-watchers struggle with is whether any <strong>of</strong> these advisors impact<br />

policy or doctrine development, or are they irrelevant to the policymaking process? In other words, do<br />

they matter? In some cases, long-term advisors on critical policy areas, such as Kang Sok-ju, probably<br />

play a role in providing context and critical advice. Others, especially power brokers in the military and<br />

security apparatus, are less relevant to policymaking and, as such, more interchangeable in the balance <strong>of</strong><br />

power inside the regime.<br />

200 Col. Gen. Pyon In-son (69) was director <strong>of</strong> the General Staff’s Operations Bureau. He was<br />

part <strong>of</strong> the third generation <strong>of</strong> the military leadership. He was also a member <strong>of</strong> the KWP Central<br />

Committee and deputy to the SPA. He was promoted to Colonel General on July 25, 2003.<br />

Pyon’s career was spent moving between Pyongyang and the field commands. His early career<br />

was primarily served in headquarters in the MPAF before he assumed the command <strong>of</strong> the Seventh Army<br />

Corps in South Hamgyong Province in the late 1990s. In 2007, he returned to Pyongyang as a Vice<br />

Minister <strong>of</strong> the People’s Armed Forces. Four years later, he was returned to the field as the Commander<br />

<strong>of</strong> Fourth Army Corps in South Hwanghae Province. Following the March/April crisis, he returned to<br />

the center as a Vice Minister <strong>of</strong> the People’s Armed Forces and Director <strong>of</strong> the General Staff Operations<br />

Bureau (August 2013). He was ranked forty-third on the Jon Pyong-ho Funeral Committee list.<br />

201 “Unidentified South <strong>Korean</strong> Government Official Says DPRK Kim Jong Un ‘Removed’ Two<br />

Aides,” NHK, February 4, 2015. The media also speculated that Ma Won-chun, the Director <strong>of</strong> NDC<br />

Design Department, had also been purged. Later speculation said that he had either been executed or<br />

died before he could return to Pyongyang. In October 2015, Ma was identified as a member <strong>of</strong> Kim<br />

Jong-un’s guidance inspection trip to Rason to examine how the <strong>North</strong> <strong>Korean</strong> city was recovering from<br />

Typhoon Goni.<br />

Ken E. Gause<br />

75

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