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North Korean House of Cards

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While the reporting on this restructuring is highly speculative, it is<br />

consistent with the <strong>North</strong> <strong>Korean</strong> media’s treatment <strong>of</strong> Kim Yo-jong as the “reincarnation”<br />

<strong>of</strong> her aunt in the Kim Jong-un era. The question is whether Kim Yo-jong<br />

is simply a figurehead or an actual manager. More than likely, she is being groomed<br />

to assume the role <strong>of</strong> the Kim family financier. Actual day-to-day Kim family<br />

management <strong>of</strong> the Royal Economy probably resides in the hands <strong>of</strong> senior advisors<br />

to Kim Jong-un, such as his half-sister Kim Sol-song. Many Pyongyang-watchers<br />

believe that the transition <strong>of</strong> this oversight responsibility to Kim Yo-jong will occur<br />

in concert with Kim Jong-un’s full consolidation <strong>of</strong> power.<br />

4. The Future <strong>of</strong> the Royal Economy<br />

Created in the 1970s to support the first hereditary transition <strong>of</strong> power<br />

from Kim Il-sung to Kim Jong-il, the Royal Economy has steadily grown to<br />

become the regime’s primary source <strong>of</strong> revenue. The very stability <strong>of</strong> the regime, to<br />

say nothing <strong>of</strong> the survival <strong>of</strong> the Supreme Leader, is based on this highly secretive<br />

part <strong>of</strong> the economy. 492<br />

The Royal economy has evolved over the last four decades, shifting its<br />

dependence between various sources <strong>of</strong> funding. Much <strong>of</strong> the funding comes from<br />

mundane commercial activities, such as the sale <strong>of</strong> seafood, gold, coal, iron ore, and<br />

the export <strong>of</strong> labor. However, as has been made abundantly clear to the outside<br />

world, there is an illegal side to many <strong>of</strong> <strong>North</strong> Korea’s revenue-generating activities.<br />

In the 1990s and 2000s, much <strong>of</strong> this funding was tied to illegal weapons sales,<br />

drugs, and counterfeiting. This has since become the legacy <strong>of</strong> covert yet bureaucratic<br />

sounding entities, such as Office 38 and Office 39. But in recent years, many <strong>of</strong><br />

these illicit sources <strong>of</strong> funding have been severely curtailed by the efforts <strong>of</strong> the<br />

international community. Programs, such as the Proliferation Security Initiative<br />

(PSI), and enhanced measures to track <strong>North</strong> Korea’s finances through the banking<br />

system have severely constrained the regime. This has forced <strong>North</strong> Korea to look<br />

elsewhere, such as building statues for other dictators and trading gold and other<br />

precious metals, where transactions are exclusively cash-based, leaving no paper trails.<br />

492 A very interesting series <strong>of</strong> articles by Jonathan Corrado <strong>of</strong> Georgetown University and Daily<br />

NK collectively entitled, “Economic Incentives Make Good Bait for Reform,” suggests that the long term<br />

pathway for <strong>North</strong> Korea is dependent on the eventual extinction <strong>of</strong> Fearpolitik and gift politics, the later<br />

initimately tied to the Royal Economy. See Jonathan Corrado, “Part I: A New Approach,” Daily NK, June<br />

25, 2015; ——— , “Part II: The Path to Healthy Cash & Market Receptivity,” Daily NK, July 6, 2015;<br />

and ——— , “Part III: Helping <strong>North</strong> Korea find a better self interest,” Daily NK, July 17, 2015.<br />

Ken E. Gause<br />

219

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