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North Korean House of Cards

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A second rumor suggests that Jang’s actions were more self-driven and less<br />

tied to a secret alliance with China. If he could deny the Kim family funds to Kim<br />

Jong-un, the new leader would become more dependent on Jang and his considerable<br />

resources. This would make Kim more pliable, allowing Jang to expand his<br />

empire along with Kim Jong-un’s overall consolidation process. By the time Kim<br />

was firmly established as the Supreme Leader, Jang would be the immovable power<br />

behind the throne.<br />

Regardless <strong>of</strong> the reason, Jang’s inability to secure the funds from the<br />

Chinese banks allegedly raised suspicions about his loyalty towards the regime in the<br />

eyes <strong>of</strong> Kim Kyong-hui and Kim Jong-un. Although Jang continued to be a visible<br />

force within the regime, his actual power began to diminish from this point on. This<br />

made him vulnerable to other forces inside the leadership that had been looking for<br />

an opportunity to attack.<br />

c. Jang under Investigation<br />

Jang Song-taek’s influence and position within the regime was not something<br />

he achieved in his own right, but came from the fact that he was the husband <strong>of</strong> Kim<br />

Kyong-hui. He was consequently viewed as a “side branch” by members <strong>of</strong> the Kim<br />

family and their key allies within the leadership. His ability to maneuver and thrive<br />

within the regime depended on his wife’s support. While this support waxed and<br />

waned over the years, Kim and Jang operated as a power couple. Their patronage<br />

systems were linked but not intertwined. When Jang came under threat from<br />

other elements within the regime, or was even purged, Kim Kyong-hui protected<br />

him from permanent damage. This began to change in the fall <strong>of</strong> 2012.<br />

In September, reports about Kim Kyong-hui’s health began to surface in<br />

South <strong>Korean</strong> media. 133 Speculation increased after she did not attend a highly<br />

unusual second session <strong>of</strong> the SPA, which convened at the end <strong>of</strong> September. 134 The<br />

other two regents, Jang Song-taek and Choe Ryong-hae, were prominently featured,<br />

making her absence even more noticeable.<br />

According to information that has recently emerged from defector channels,<br />

Kim Kyong-hui suffered a minor stroke around this time. 135 She was bedridden, but<br />

<strong>North</strong> <strong>Korean</strong> economy using the Cabinet and government as a pivot, in order to stabilize Kim Jong-un’s<br />

rule and maintain the current regime.<br />

133 Kim Young-Jin, “N. <strong>Korean</strong> Leader’s Aunt in Ill Health,” The Korea Times, September 7, 2012.<br />

134 “Kim Jong-un’s Aunt Seriously Ill,” The Chosun Ilbo, September 28, 2012.<br />

135 There is debate over when this minor stroke occurred. Some sources claim it occurred in<br />

early January 2013. If this is the case, she made a remarkable recovery, since she appeared at the Fourth<br />

Meeting <strong>of</strong> Party Cell Secretaries held on January 29, 2013.<br />

Committee for Human Rights in <strong>North</strong> Korea<br />

56

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