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North Korean House of Cards

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conscious and able to function. Given the growing suspicion surrounding Jang, the<br />

decision was made—either by Kim Kyong-hui, Kim Jong-un, or both—to place<br />

him under surveillance. Since Jang was a senior Party member, the KWP OGD was<br />

tasked with this operation. 136<br />

For the next several months, Jang Song-taek’s activities were tracked and<br />

examined. From the outside perspective, Jang maintained his busy public pr<strong>of</strong>ile. As<br />

December came around, he topped the list <strong>of</strong> cadres accompanying Kim Jong-un,<br />

attending 100 out <strong>of</strong> 143 events. 137 Earlier in the year, Kim introduced Jang as his<br />

“closest revolutionary comrade.” 138<br />

In March 2013, the KWP OGD presented its findings to Kim Kyong-hui.<br />

Not surprisingly, the report revealed his infidelity, a long-standing problem that had<br />

plagued the marriage for decades. The report noted that he had allegedly been seeing<br />

seven women. 139 According to defector reporting, Kim Kyong-hui was outraged by<br />

the report and vowed to carry out her brother’s wishes to ensure a smooth power<br />

consolidation for Kim Jong-un. 140 This presumably included agreeing to remove Jang<br />

Song-taek from the political scene. 141<br />

It reportedly took two months for the Kim family to make the final decision<br />

regarding Jang. Whether the decision included his ultimate fate is unknown, but<br />

it was determined that he could no longer remain in the central leadership. In<br />

May 2013, Kim Jong-un convened a task force composed <strong>of</strong> elements within his<br />

Personal Secretariat, which presumably included his half-sister, Kim Sol-song, the<br />

136 Ken E. Gause, Coercion, Control, Surveillance, and Punishment: An Examination <strong>of</strong> the <strong>North</strong><br />

<strong>Korean</strong> Police State, 2nd ed., op. cit. Only the KWP OGD is authorized to investigate senior members <strong>of</strong><br />

the Party. Below the central Party level, other investigative organs, such as the SSD and the MPS, have<br />

authority to carry out investigations.<br />

137 “Who Runs N.Korea?” The Chosun Ilbo, December 18, 2012.<br />

138 Ibid.<br />

139 Discussion with a senior-level <strong>North</strong> <strong>Korean</strong> defector, May 2014. This report may account for<br />

the insertion <strong>of</strong> language about Jang’s infidelity into the list <strong>of</strong> charges made against him.<br />

140 Kim Kyong-hui was the guarantor <strong>of</strong> the Kim family equities within the regime and had<br />

engineered her nephew’s consolidation up to this point. She established the ideological foundation<br />

through the revision <strong>of</strong> the “Ten Principles for a Monolithic Ideological System” into the “Ten Principles for<br />

a Monolithic Leader Ideological System,” which strengthened the rationale for continued Kim family rule.<br />

141 “Covert Organization that Holds the Key to Finding Out the Whole Picture <strong>of</strong> the<br />

Abductions—Study <strong>of</strong> <strong>North</strong> Korea’s Ministry <strong>of</strong> State Security,” Sentaku Magazine, August 2014. If the<br />

OGD did produce a report on Jang Song-taek’s activities, its contents need to be examined with a certain<br />

amount <strong>of</strong> skepticism. According to other defector reports, members <strong>of</strong> the military, the OGD, and<br />

the SSD met in Samjiyeon in March to plot the downfall <strong>of</strong> Jang, the same month that the report was<br />

presented to Kim Jong-un and Kim Kyong-hui. Whether the report was an output <strong>of</strong> this meeting or an<br />

actual investigation remains unclear. Since that time, this coterie <strong>of</strong> people from these three organizations<br />

has been known as the “Samjiyeon Group.”<br />

Ken E. Gause<br />

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