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North Korean House of Cards

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Choe Sung-chol, who managed the 2007 summit with President Roh Moo-Hyun,<br />

was relieved <strong>of</strong> his <strong>of</strong>ficial duties. However, it was the less publicized investigation<br />

into Office 39, presumably led by the KWP Administrative Department, that had<br />

the greatest implications for the Royal Economy.<br />

While evidence is lacking, some sources suggest that this purge was part <strong>of</strong><br />

a move by Jang Song-taek to not only reestablish his ties to valuable hard currency<br />

channels, but to also put in motion a plan to increasingly exert control over parts<br />

<strong>of</strong> the Royal Economy. Following the investigation, Kim Jong-il dismissed several<br />

<strong>of</strong>ficials handling secret funds deposited in Macau and economic projects involving<br />

cooperation with South <strong>Korean</strong> <strong>of</strong>ficials: 433<br />

• The President <strong>of</strong> the Daesong Trading Company, 434 operating under the<br />

supervision <strong>of</strong> KWP Office 39, was fired for embezzling $1.4 million.<br />

• National Economic Cooperation Council President, Chong Un-op, who<br />

provided overall supervision <strong>of</strong> economic cooperation projects with South<br />

Korea in the private sector, was accused <strong>of</strong> embezzling funds and arrested.<br />

• Chongsaeng General Trading Company President, Kim Chol, was<br />

arrested for illegally selling pig iron to South Korea and reportedly died<br />

while in custody. 435<br />

These purges increased surveillance <strong>of</strong> the <strong>of</strong>ficials involved in hard currency<br />

operations, especially those who worked directly in service <strong>of</strong> the Royal Economy. It<br />

may have convinced Kim Jong-il <strong>of</strong> the need for greater supervision <strong>of</strong> these sources<br />

<strong>of</strong> revenue vital to the stability <strong>of</strong> the regime and his leadership.<br />

If these rumors are to be believed, Jang did not gain access to the control levers<br />

<strong>of</strong> the Royal Economy until 2008, following Kim Jong-il’s stroke in August. While<br />

key members <strong>of</strong> the NDC, such as Jo Myong-rok and Kim Yong-chun, as well as SPA<br />

Presidium President, Kim Yong-nam, were the faces <strong>of</strong> the regime at major Party and<br />

military functions, behind the scenes, Kim Kyong-hui, Jang Song-taek, and Kim Ok,<br />

433 “<strong>North</strong> Korea Purging Senior Officials Dealing With ROK?,” NK Focus, February 16, 2008.<br />

434 Kim Ah-Young, “Targeting Pyongyang’s drug trade addiction,” Asia Times, June 18, 2003.<br />

According to a 2003 article, the Daesong Trading Company coordinated opium trafficking through<br />

its trading corporation, Daesong Sangsa, which had twenty overseas branches at the time. <strong>North</strong> Korea<br />

reportedly produced more than forty tons <strong>of</strong> opium a year. Estimates <strong>of</strong> revenue earned ranged from a<br />

low <strong>of</strong> $48 million to as much as $1 billion annually, if all illegal drugs, such as heroin, cocaine, and<br />

methamphetamines were included. The other major trade organization dealing in opium was the Aesung<br />

Trading Company. Both companies were part <strong>of</strong> the Office 39 apparatus.<br />

435 The Chongsaeng General Trading Company was located at the Kim Chaek Steel Plant in<br />

Chongjin City, <strong>North</strong> Hamgyong Province. It sold pig iron, hot-rolled steel, and scrap iron. Its ties to the<br />

Royal Economy are unclear.<br />

Ken E. Gause<br />

199

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