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North Korean House of Cards

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C. CHAPTER SIX: THE ROYAL ECONOMY—<br />

CONTROLLING THE KIM FAMILY FINANCES<br />

Over the years, there have been a number <strong>of</strong> articles devoted to the Royal<br />

Economy in <strong>North</strong> Korea, which is the part <strong>of</strong> the economy that is devoted to<br />

keeping the Kim family in power. Most <strong>of</strong> these articles discuss the number <strong>of</strong> illicit<br />

programs the regime has put in place to raise hard currency across the world. A 2014<br />

report by the Committee for Human Rights in <strong>North</strong> Korea entitled Illicit: <strong>North</strong><br />

Korea’s Evolving Operations to Earn Hard Currency reveals an underworld where<br />

<strong>North</strong> <strong>Korean</strong> financiers, money launderers, counterfeiters, and scam artists conduct<br />

their business all while seeking to circumvent the sanctions and surveillance <strong>of</strong> the<br />

international community. 384<br />

This chapter will briefly discuss the overseas aspects <strong>of</strong> the Royal Economy. It<br />

will mainly focus, however, on the apparatus and key individuals inside the regime<br />

that generate and control the funds that Kim Jong-un relies on to maintain and<br />

consolidate power. It will also look at some <strong>of</strong> the critical funding streams that feed<br />

the Kim family’s c<strong>of</strong>fers.<br />

1. Origins <strong>of</strong> the Royal Economy<br />

The creation <strong>of</strong> the Royal Economy dates back to the 1970s and is tied to<br />

the politics <strong>of</strong> succession. In many respects, the 1970s was a watershed decade<br />

in <strong>North</strong> <strong>Korean</strong> history. During this period, Kim Il-sung fully consolidated his<br />

power, as spelled out in the 1972 constitution. Kim Il-sung also attempted to<br />

institute a direct hereditary transition <strong>of</strong> power to his son, Kim Jong-il. Finally, the<br />

regime began to feel the ire <strong>of</strong> the international community, which began to freeze<br />

<strong>North</strong> Korea out <strong>of</strong> the capital markets. Pyongyang had defaulted on its loans after<br />

incorrectly predicting the value <strong>of</strong> its raw materials, leaving the country scrambling<br />

to secure hard currency. 385<br />

384 Sheena Chestnut Greitens, Illicit: <strong>North</strong> Korea’s Evolving Operations to Earn Hard Currency<br />

(Washington, D.C.: Committee for Human Rights in <strong>North</strong> Korea, 2014).<br />

385 Bruce Cumings, Korea’s Place in the Sun: A Modern History (New York: W. W. Norton &<br />

Co., 1998). In the 1970s, the expansion <strong>of</strong> <strong>North</strong> Korea’s economy, with an accompanying rise in living<br />

standards, came to an end and began to contract a few decades later. Compounding this was a decision<br />

to borrow foreign capital and invest heavily in military industries. <strong>North</strong> Korea’s desire to lessen its dependence<br />

on aid from China and the Soviet Union prompted the expansion <strong>of</strong> its military power, which<br />

began in the second half <strong>of</strong> the 1960s. The government believed such expenditures could be covered by<br />

foreign borrowing and increased sales <strong>of</strong> its mineral resources in the international market. <strong>North</strong> Korea<br />

invested heavily in its mining industries and purchased a large quantity <strong>of</strong> mineral extraction infrastructure<br />

from abroad. However, soon after making such investments, international prices for many <strong>of</strong> <strong>North</strong><br />

Committee for Human Rights in <strong>North</strong> Korea<br />

176

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